In Albanian politics, being number two—sharing both the benefits and the responsibilities with the great leader—is a dangerous position. The most famous number two in Albanian history, Mehmet Shehu, allegedly committed suicide in 1981, after nearly thirty years as prime minister under dictator Enver Hoxha. In a photograph published after the alleged suicide, he is seen lying in bed, wearing clean white pajamas. A single, small, red spot near his heart shows the astonishing precision with which he was able to shoot himself.
Saimir Tahiri, the first interior minister under Prime Minister Edi Rama, was sentenced in 2019 to five years in prison after the Serious Crimes Court inexplicably changed the charges against him from participation in a criminal organization and drug trafficking to the lesser charge of abuse of office. He kept his mouth shut and was released early from prison for family ‘health’ reasons.
Most recently, Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj, whom many internationals considered Rama’s heir apparent, was arrested for corruption and money laundering. After initially defending his favorite, Rama has now accepted Veliaj’s fate, while Veliaj’s careless Facebook posts show that he himself has not yet fully understood that he will most likely spend a long time in prison and that no one will save him.
A similar fate seems to be looming over Rama’s current number two in the government, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Infrastructure and Energy, Belinda Balluku, as SPAK is reported to have launched investigations into several corruption scandals in her ministry, while news about her extravagant life has become daily. Coincidentally, Balluku is the granddaughter of former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, Beqir Balluku, who initially assisted Enver Hoxha in the 1956 purge of the Party of Labor, only to be eliminated himself in 1975 during another purge. It seems that the current generation of senior officials is confident that the rules of authoritarian regimes will not apply to them.
One lesson—one that former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Arben Ahmetaj, who served 9 years (2013-2022) under Prime Minister Rama, has surely learned—is that it is perhaps better not to stay in the country, because those with deep knowledge and responsibility for violence and corruption at the top of power ultimately face death or prison. So when in July 2023 SPAK asked the Assembly to lift his immunity to arrest him and search his properties, he decided to leave the country. The file in question was related to the Tirana incinerator and involved Veliaj, former Environment Minister Lefter Koka, and two businessmen, one of whom had had previous relations with Ahmetaj.
SPAK has yet to formally charge Ahmetaj. However, he continues to live in exile in Switzerland, uncertain when and under what conditions he will be able to return to Albania. In recent months, he has given a series of interviews to Albanian and Italian media, accusing, among other things, Prime Minister Edi Rama of major corruption, links to criminal organizations and personal vendettas against him. On March 16, 2025, we spoke with Ahmetaj via Zoom about his long experience in government and his views on current political developments.
Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei.
Between 2013 and 2016, you were a minister in the first government of Prime Minister Edi Rama. This was the period of the massive “cannabization” of Albania. What was the purpose of the cannabization and why was it allowed to continue for so long?
In 2013, I was appointed Minister of Economic Development, Tourism, Trade and Entrepreneurship, an “umbrella” ministry, with responsibility for coordinating economic policies. My first debate with the current prime minister about cannabis happened around the end of 2014, the beginning of 2015. My stance was very strong against cannabis. This process would in practice enrich, empower and make criminal groups more violent, and would completely deform the Albanian economy.
During two long government meetings outside Tirana, I was very direct in my stance—I have witnesses to this. The prime minister had a theory according to which cannabis would boost the economy. I asked him: “What about Colombia? Colombia would be the most extraordinary country in the world if that were true!” But cannabis happened and the consequences are now known to everyone and are being suffered by the entire Albanian society.
This was my first clash with him. I had a lot of respect for him. I thought he would change Albania. At first I thought he was a reformer, but this clash left me with a very bitter feeling about what was happening.
In 2016, you became Minister of Finance. I am sure you are aware of many international reports on the role of drug money in the Albanian economy during that period. What have been the economic effects of these illicit financial flows? What is the damage to the Albanian economy?
There are four main consequences. First, drug money enriched and empowered the organized criminal groups that existed in Albania, and also enabled the creation of new groups since drugs were now a great opportunity for everyone. Both the number and power of these criminal groups multiplied.
Second, it brought devastating consequences to agriculture. Many people abandoned traditional agriculture and turned to cannabis cultivation. You cannot blame a farmer for this—the fault lies with the government and criminal groups.
Third, it brought about massive money laundering, which was mainly channeled into the construction sector. Today in Tirana there are 64,000 empty apartments and yet new towers are being built. How is it possible that construction is an economic generator, while there are so many empty apartments? What kind of money is financing them, when the percentage of bank loans given is a small fraction of the cost of construction? Is it money laundering? What is certain is that this is not development; this is a black economy that benefits politicians and people connected to money laundering networks.
And fourth, there is the damage to Albania’s international reputation. Because where did all this cannabis end up? In Greece, Italy, Germany… Today, Albania has earned the reputation of a narco-state. How much cocaine or heroin is actually seized in the port of Durrës? None or very little. Meanwhile, large quantities of drugs originating from Albania or passing through Albania are seized in neighboring countries. And this transition from cannabis to hard drugs is also a “gift” from the cannabization of the country.
If I were to do an analysis of the economic situation, you would be shocked. For example, look at economic growth: there are only two engines – tourism and construction. How is it possible that the contribution of tourism in both the lek value and the real value to the economy has not increased significantly?
Meanwhile, the economy is losing its productive base. In any normal economy in the world, domestic production of food and beverages supplies the tourism sector and thus, together with tourism, the country’s productive base grows. But in Albania, tourism is mainly supplied by imports. You can easily see the statistics that show that the productive sector is dying. Moreover, Albania has started to lose even that small part of the productive economy that was export-oriented. This means that tourism is helping only a small group of actors and is not being distributed to the entire population.
All of this empowers, as you said, criminal organizations within Albania. But it does not stop there. These organizations do not simply launder money in construction. To do this, they need political access. You have spoken of members of organized crime who are seen in the Prime Minister’s offices, who receive state tenders, and whose money-laundering activities in construction are coordinated by him—he is the one who chooses the architects who do the projects, issues building permits, issues casino licenses, and so on. And in return, he has received many favors: charter flights, stays in detox hotels, tickets to basketball games in America—and these are just the tip of the iceberg. You have said that “after every affair you will find his name” and have predicted that “his legacy will be organized crime.”
The Prime Minister denies all this. How long do you think he will be able to maintain and control this state of affairs in the country?
A former Socialist Party MP said something I will never forget. In Parliament he said to Rama: “If Sali Berisha had organized crime like his shoes, you wear it like a medallion on your chest.” Albania has always had organized crime. But the threat to politicians and the government has never been like it is now. And this is what I say is the legacy that Rama will leave to the country.
Today, there is a dark side behind every project, behind every tender. You rarely see a fair process. Look at the winning bids for tenders: they are always 98%, 99% of the maximum budget set by the tendering institutions. How can this happen? In what other country in the world does this happen? Nowhere. Infrastructure projects, roads, energy, water supply… Everyone knows this, this is now known to every ordinary Albanian. But their spirit of reaction has been numbed by the poison of propaganda.
You asked how long this facade can hold up. I will answer you with another question. In Albania, the presence of foreign secret services is high and they know everything.
But what has happened in the European Union that they actually say nothing? If you read the reports of the State Department or the European Commission, there is a difference between what these institutions write in their reports and what they say publicly about Albania. If they were to pronounce in public even 10% of what they write in their reports, in Albania we would have a perception and a political situation completely different from the one we have today. Why don’t they say anything about this? Why did they turn a blind eye to cannabis? Practically, the facade has already fallen.
All the pillars of a democratic society are poisoned. Tell me a major media outlet that is not under the influence of the government. There are small news portals that are outside the influence of the government, but they operate under fear. There is a corrupt justice system that is politically controlled and obsessed with statistics. There is a parliament that actually takes orders from the Prime Minister. Organized crime is thriving and has close ties to the government. And finally, there is an opposition that has been destroyed. So, what kind of facade are we talking about here? Do you really think that Europeans don’t see this?
They do, but they are probably not very interested.
What can I say! If they are not interested in democracy in Albania, that would be spiritual death for me.
We touched earlier on the way criminal money ends up in construction projects through government tenders. You have said several times in interviews: that “tenders are the Achilles heel of corruption.” Among many other government officials, you have called for an investigation into the tenders awarded by Belinda Balluku (for the Llogara tunnel, Arbri Road, the Thumane–Kashar highway, etc.) and Erion Veliaj (for public schools, etc.). Now we are in a situation where the Mayor of Tirana, Erion Veliaj, is actually under arrest, in prison awaiting trial for some of these tenders that you have spoken about. And not only that, in the same file, as I believe you know, several owners of construction companies are also mentioned who have received favors and given favors in return. How do you see these developments?
This is all a theater of Rama. First of all, I want to say that for me it is medieval that they have taken Erion to prison. They could investigate him in a free state, but not while remaining mayor. You cannot remain in office while you are being investigated and accused. At the same time, I do not agree with Erion’s stance to attack prosecutors and their families.
Secondly, if you look at the reason why Erion is in prison, it has nothing to do with the real issue, neither with the incinerator nor with the 5D affair. Why? Because these would take the investigation to the Prime Minister, and they cannot touch their boss. So, once again, this is a big theater of Rama. He wanted to wave the flag of Justice Reform, and without Erion inside, this flag would fall.
Unfortunately, the Socialist Party has stopped writing programs. Practically, what I am saying is that the Erion case is a theater by Rama to instill more fear within the party. Because the party must remain under fear and pressure, while he waves the banner of Justice Reform for European bureaucrats. It is all a theater, even the Erion case, strategically orchestrated with great care by Rama.
You have called the United States “the only guarantee” for the success of Justice Reform and the independence of the judiciary. But now they are withdrawing from their commitments around the world, including projects like Justice Reform. As these changes in the American government take place, what will their impact be on Albania?
I consider the United States to be my second homeland. I studied there as a student more than once, I have attended courses at Georgetown University, Harvard University and many other institutions. While I was maturing as a student, my eyes, heart and ears were in the United States.
I can’t analyze what’s happening in the United States today, because that’s not our purpose here, but I think the first reaction is a kind of perception that they’re giving up on Justice Reform, which is probably related to their reflections and investigations on USAID and American international assistance. But I don’t believe that they’re going to give up on Albania. Not giving up on Albania means that democracy is important, not just as a strategic member of NATO on the borders of the alliance. You can’t be a strong ally without being a democracy. And you can’t have democracy without real justice.
And I believe that one day, sooner or later, they’ll get back to the essence of what happened with Justice Reform and it will be recalibrated. I truly believe that there will be another serious and profound effort to reaffirm within the justice system its independence, respect for partisanship, the presumption of innocence, human rights, and the right to a fair trial.
These are concepts that, ultimately, are part of the rule of law. We have these on paper in Albanian legislation. But this is a matter of political culture. How would a foreign country implement these concepts in practice in Albania?
This is very true. It is a political-cultural discussion. Now, everything that has happened with the justice system, with the media, with organized crime, with institutions, has clearly been a personal project of the current prime minister.
I don’t know how our international partners judge today’s Albania as a democratic partner in development! Are they interested in today’s status quo? Don’t they care how the country is governed? Albanian politicians will one day have to be held accountable for what they have actually done in Albania.
Accountability to whom?
To the people and to a better, independent justice system.
How could they have undertaken a hunting expedition on my life? Why don’t they go directly to the Tirana incinerator? Why are they excluding people from the investigation who shouldn’t be excluded? Why don’t they focus on the Llogara tunnel? Why don’t they focus on AKSHI? It’s a total mess! Why don’t they focus on the Thumanë-Kashar highway? Why don’t they focus on EchoPark?
What about the Beketi case? Albania lost 130 million euros in this case. Why doesn’t SPAK send a letter to the arbitration court that judged the Beketi case and ask for the file? In that file you will find that Beketi won only because of the Prime Minister’s threatening messages about closing his television station.
Why don’t they focus on the McGonigal case? Why don’t they focus on the ships for energy production in Vlora, which is a pure corruption affair? Why don’t they analyze and track the costs of the roads, which are several times higher than in the most expensive European countries? They undertake hunting expeditions to get to the heart of many corrupt affairs. They take orders…
Maybe they do—we don’t know all the cases that SPAK is currently investigating, do we?
So why do they drag out cases for years and then expedite them in a few months? That is why I refer to justice as selective, politically guided and ordered. This is very, very sad.
But, again, I believe that the United States will recalibrate Justice Reform and, above all, remove politics and political control from the functioning of the justice system, putting an end to the use of justice as a political instrument, as it has been used so far—which is the worst moment of all.
You have called your criminal prosecution in the incinerator case “political”. You have described it as “political terror”, you have spoken of threats against you and your family and you have expressed that you fear for your life. Who are those who are persecuting you and why?
Let us separate the threats to my life and the political persecution of me and my family. In my interviews, I have asked SPAK to show me a signature of mine in the entire procedure for the Tirana incinerator. I was not the contracting authority. I have asked them to show me a benefit from public money that my family received with my signature or with any signature.
The Prime Minister has said publicly: “If I had played the role of judge, things would have been much worse” for me. He wanted a scapegoat to divert attention from himself and from those who carried out this affair, people in the Prime Minister’s inner circle. Where is the Tirana incinerator? Where is the money? Follow the money. There are many transactions there and there are many people involved.
So, in essence, my political persecution and the persecution of my family is the work of the Prime Minister. And, unfortunately, SPAK has been more diligent in obeying the Prime Minister and producing “statistics.”
But they have also been diligent because of American pressure, haven’t they? I mean, we remember the American ambassador who was persistently looking for “big fish.” You talk about how the United States can help, in one way or another, to recalibrate the Justice Reform. But at the same time, the Americans have been exerting strong pressure on SPAK to produce these “statistics,” to produce results. It’s more complicated, isn’t it?
Yes, it’s complicated, but I don’t agree with you. The United States does not go to SPAK and tell it to deviate, to focus on second-rate people. They do not say: don’t follow the money, don’t follow the procedure, ignore human rights, ignore the principle of the presumption of innocence. The United States has tried to conceive of an independent and professional justice system that respects human rights, the law, the presumption of innocence, and the dignity of people. But that didn’t happen.
Is this my failure in communicating with international partners? I have pointed out to them that it is too early to call my case a failure, but this process is still far from being a sound process. So, practically, again, I continue on the same path. I have faith in the United States. I may sound naive, but in my life this “naivety” has been my principle.
I would like to return to this naivety a little later, but what can you tell me about the threats to your life?
I have received threats personally. First, a direct call from prison, very clear: “We will kill you. We will see from the cameras when you park the car, when you pick up the child”, etc. They had access to the cameras of the building in Tirana where I had rented an apartment.
The second threat was another call from a British number that I did not recognize. And the third was a person on a motorbike. It was like in a mafia movie. I was walking down the street and this person came up to me: “Hello, Arben.” I said: “Hello, how are you?” And he said: “So, are you walking?” “Well, I’ve been walking my whole life.” And then he said: “Yes, but that’s where you’ll die.”
Then there was an incident at Tirana Lake Park, where they tried to take a picture of my newborn baby. My now-wife had hired a Filipino nanny, and at one point she was crying. It turned out that she had been threatened to take pictures and videos of me and what was going on in my house and hand them over to people at a company called Emerald Spa. That’s when I was really scared.
When did all this start?
Right after I was dismissed by the Prime Minister. It was September or October 2022 when the persecution started. Then I left my family. I never returned to Albania because I feared for my life. I feared for the life of my family.
If I had ended up in prison, I am sure I would not have come out of there alive. Knowing that I am a bit emotional, they would have created some incident in prison and said: “Oh, just so you know, because he quarreled, that is why he was killed.”
So, for now, I am living in exile. Under what conditions would you consider returning?
I think about this every day. When I understand that the Prime Minister has lost his grip on justice, then I would return—even to prison, if you want.
What would be a sign that he is losing control of the system?
We will see. I have a lot of faith in the United States. There have been many soft landings, but there have also been many ground-breaking events in the history of political systems.
One could speculate that the circumstance in which he would lose control of the justice system is when he is no longer prime minister.
It may be a condition, but I do not believe it is. My fight is not about whether he is or is not where he is. My fight is about the truth about my case and the truth about Albania. Today there is no check and balance mechanism in the justice system. So, there is no guarantee that when one leader is replaced by another, tomorrow there will be check and balance.
There is no greater crime than preventing the country from having a true and independent justice system. It is the greatest crime, because it poisons democracy and opens the door to violence. I hope that this will never happen again in Albania.
Do you see this on the horizon? I mean, you experienced 1997.
I experienced 1997 and I hope I never see it again. It was a catastrophe. No, I pray every day that this will never happen again in Albania. I hope that the consciousness of the Albanian people will be revived and that they will not take matters into their own hands by force, but in the most democratic way possible.
I want to return to the naivety that you mentioned earlier. You have said several times in the past that you were naive, an “educated idiot,” that you did not see from the beginning that Rama’s political project was the return of autocratic governing structures. In one of your interviews you said: “I have a moral responsibility for my naivety, for my loyalty and my trust, but I spoke with figures and facts.” This statement really impressed me, considering your long role within the Albanian government. Can you say something more about this?
In my life, I have some things that I am proud of, I say this very modestly. And I can mention the year 1991. Then the closure of pyramid schemes with the then Minister of Finance Arben Malaj and Prime Minister Fatos Nano.
Then, I am proud of the battles that I fought on behalf of the Socialist Party in the elections and also for the development of the country. I am proud that I reduced the budget deficit in a time of economic crisis to 1.6%, a historical record. I am proud that I reduced the public debt and that I rewrote the budget law to impose strict financial discipline on local government and the government. I am proud of my endless efforts and sleepless nights to organize the reconstruction process after the 2019 earthquake or to find vaccines during the pandemic. But I also take my moral responsibility, because I had a lot of trust in that person and I was very naive.
Of course, I have talked many times with my colleagues who are currently in government and with former ministers about how many things have been distorted. The Socialist Party has already lost its socialist spirit and the parliament is no longer a parliament in the true sense of the word, because it is under the dictates of a single person. I have never seen the media in this state. I have never seen organized crime so close to politicians and in fact directly influencing government decision-making. And then the corruption in infrastructure, in water, in energy, in information technology or even in the health system is terrible.
So, yes, I have my moral responsibility. For many years, I trusted this man. He was very dear to me. I thought he would change Albania.
He has changed Albania
For the worse, yes.
You have discussed the political, economic and, if you like, even the criminal situation with colleagues in government, some of whom are still there. What motivates them to stay where they are?
Let me put it this way: One of them, unfortunately, is, as I call her, “the master of all corruption.”
Belinda Balluku?
Yes. It is the main instrument of corruption. It is unbelievable, unimaginable. The others are already out of the government. Some of them are afraid that they might even be removed from the list of deputies. Others are no longer deputies. One of them is now the political leader of a region. He has decided to remain silent. He has made a compromise with himself, and I do not judge him.
Fear is the main obstacle. And fear of what? The Prime Minister is trying to put them in an insecure position for their career or for their future security, not in the sense of security of life, but from SPAK—the whip in the hands of the Prime Minister.
How do you see the future of Albania?
It is difficult to say. I still do not see normal political processes there, I do not see the passionate debate against organized crime, against the political dependence of justice, against corruption, for a functional parliament, for independent media. This debate does not exist yet.
I have a theory that it is all orchestrated in order to direct the debate in other directions, on fake issues. I cannot predict.
I am far from the ground now, but one thing I can tell you is that today, Albania is not a democratic country. And it is not even a hybrid democracy. It is a pure personal autocracy, perverse in every way./Lapsi.al
