{"id":204404,"date":"2021-09-24T13:55:51","date_gmt":"2021-09-24T11:55:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/?p=204404"},"modified":"2021-09-24T13:59:06","modified_gmt":"2021-09-24T11:59:06","slug":"pse-po-deshton-vazhdimisht-be-ja-me-ballkanin-perendimor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/pse-po-deshton-vazhdimisht-be-ja-me-ballkanin-perendimor\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse po d\u00ebshton vazhdimisht BE-ja me Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Nga Du\u0161an Relji\u0107, Euractiv: <\/strong>Me sa duket k\u00ebrkimi i autonomin\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb,ka filluar q\u00eb n\u00eb qershorin e vitit 1991, kur Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm i Luksemburgut Jacques Poos, q\u00eb drejtonte nj\u00eb mision diplomatik t\u00eb Komunitetit Evropian p\u00ebr t\u00eb negociuar zgjidhjen e kriz\u00ebs jugosllave, deklaroi:\u201cKjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ora e Evrop\u00ebs, dhe jo e amerikan\u00ebve!\u201d. Tre dekada m\u00eb von\u00eb, BE-ja po p\u00ebrpiqet ende t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb ndonj\u00eb prov\u00eb n\u00eb zon\u00ebn post-Jugosllave se e ka fituar autonomin\u00eb e saj strategjike, gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb thelb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ajo mund t\u00eb \u201cvendos\u00eb, t\u00eb modifikoj\u00eb dhe zbatoj\u00eb rregullat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare sipas bindjeve t\u00eb saj, dhe josipas rregullave t\u00eb vendosura nga t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt\u201d. Strategjia e par\u00eb e Siguris\u00eb s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2003, ishte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb adoptuar vet-p\u00ebrkufizimin e saj si forca shtyt\u00ebse p\u00ebr dh\u00ebnien fund t\u00eb luft\u00ebs dhe transformimin e konfliktit n\u00eb Jugosllavi. Q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e BE-s\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur se \u201can\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi i plot\u00eb n\u00eb BE p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cnj\u00eb investim gjeostrategjik n\u00eb nj\u00eb Evrop\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, t\u00eb fort\u00eb dhe t\u00eb bashkuar\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Aktualisht, BE mendon se vendet e rajonit mund t\u00eb luajn\u00eb ende nj\u00eb \u201crol ky\u00e7\u201d n\u00eb zinxhir\u00ebt global\u00eb t\u00eb vlerave q\u00eb furnizojn\u00eb BE-n\u00eb. \u201cN\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb afatgjat\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb kontribuoj\u00eb n\u00eb autonomin\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb\u201d- p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisin n\u00eb Bruksel. Por shum\u00eb shtete an\u00ebtare t\u00eb unionit, e pranojn\u00eb frik\u00ebn e tyre se \u201caktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb jan\u00eb gati t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyjn\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet rajonale, shpesh n\u00eb kurrizin ton\u00eb\u201d.P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, disa ekspert\u00eb shqet\u00ebsohen se perspektivat p\u00ebr autonomin\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohen as pas largimit t\u00eb Britanis\u00eb. Kjo duke pasur parasysh \u201can\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e mundsh\u00ebm n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb vogla t\u00eb Ballkanit me pak potencial, por me t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb plota t\u00eb vot\u00ebs\u201d.Dhe kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb e re. Humbja e besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me pretimet e saj p\u00ebr t\u2019u zgjeruar n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, dhe dep\u00ebrtimi i disa aktor\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon, jan\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb debatuara prej vitesh. E megjithat\u00eb, institucionet e Brukselit vazhdojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb publike dokumente politikash shum\u00eb optimiste p\u00ebr \u201cnj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb t\u00eb besueshme t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE\u201dt\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. Po ashtu, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb lavd\u00ebrojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb rutinore t\u00eb ardhmen e rajonit si pjes\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, unioni nuk e mb\u00ebshteti me burime t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme financiare synimin e vet p\u00ebr arritjen e nj\u00eb autonomie strategjike n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, dhe k\u00ebsisoj ishte i d\u00ebnuar q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshtonte. Sipas t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave t\u00eb siguruara nga Parlamenti Evropian, shuma e fondeve p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn 2021-2027 p\u00ebr programin IPA III \u00ebsht\u00eb 12.6 miliard\u00eb euro (me \u00e7mimet e vitit 2018), por q\u00eb n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb bler\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb 1 p\u00ebr qind m\u00eb pak se sasia e fondeve t\u00eb IPA II.<\/p>\n<p>Gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs 2007-2013, IPA I kishte nj\u00eb buxhet prej rreth 11.5 miliard\u00eb eurosh. Pasardh\u00ebsi i tij, IPA II, p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn 2014-2020, arriti n\u00eb shum\u00ebn 11.7 miliard\u00eb euro, q\u00eb n\u00eb termat e fuqis\u00eb bler\u00ebse, sh\u00ebnonte nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie. Rreth gjysma e parave t\u00eb IPA I dhe IPA II shkuan p\u00ebr Turqin\u00eb. Pjesa tjet\u00ebr u shp\u00ebrnda n\u00eb shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Kroacin\u00eb, deri n\u00eb vitin 2013 (kur vendi hyri n\u00eb BE). Zyrtar\u00ebt e BE-s\u00eb, kan\u00eb konfirmuar se vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb marrin deri n\u00eb 9 miliard\u00eb euro n\u00eb grante p\u00ebrmes Planit Ekonomik dhe Investimeve, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e IPA III. Rreth tre t\u00eb kat\u00ebrtat e tregtis\u00eb s\u00eb rajonit jan\u00eb me BE-n\u00eb, dhe kryesisht me Gjermanin\u00eb dhe Italin\u00eb. Shumica e investimeve t\u00eb huaja direkte vijn\u00eb nga Bashkimi Evropian, dhe pjesa m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse e kapitalit bankar i p\u00ebrket bankave nga BE. Megjithat\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb merren parasysh shpenzimet financiare shtes\u00eb, si shlyerja e huave nga bankat dhe qeverit\u00eb n\u00eb BE, riatdhesimi i fitimeve t\u00eb ardhura nga investimet e huaja direkte t\u00eb kompanive t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, kostoja e madhe e subvencioneve qeveritare p\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr investitor\u00eb t\u00eb huaj, dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha humbja masive e kapitalit njer\u00ebzor p\u00ebrmes migrimit nga rajoni n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian. Sipas nj\u00eb studimi t\u00eb fundit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, rajoni i Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor po humbet deri n\u00eb 5.5 miliard\u00eb euro n\u00eb vit p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb emigrimit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij, kryesisht n\u00eb BE. K\u00ebtu p\u00ebrfshihen shpenzimet e humbura arsimore, dhe at\u00eb q\u00eb vendet humbasin n\u00eb rritjen potenciale t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb migrimit.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fakt, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor transferon \u00e7do vit shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr burime n\u00eb BE sesa merr nga kjo e fundit. E kombinuar kjo me qeverisjen e dob\u00ebt, korrupsionin dhe sundimin autoritar n\u00eb k\u00ebto vende, mbeten disa nga faktor\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb pengojn\u00eb konvergjenc\u00ebn e t\u00eb ardhurave t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor me mesataren e BE-s\u00eb. Gj\u00ebrat do t\u00eb ishin ndryshe n\u00eb rast se BE-ja do ta trajtonte Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin solidaritet si vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta midis an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, me shumic\u00ebn q\u00eb ndodhen n\u00eb skajin juglindor t\u00eb unionit. Konvergjenca e ekonomive t\u00eb tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb vendimtare p\u00ebrmes kapitalit me kosto zero, t\u00eb cilin vazhdojn\u00eb ta marrin nga BE. Ashtu si k\u00ebto vende, edhe ato t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor kan\u00eb hapur tregjet e tyre ndaj BE-s\u00eb. Ekonomit\u00eb e tyre komb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb integruara n\u00eb superstruktur\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb kontinent, madje m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa disa an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Por p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr \u201cperspektiv\u00ebs p\u00ebr tu b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb\u201d statusit t\u00eb tyre kandidat (p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Bosnjes dhe Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb \u201ckandidate t\u00eb mundshme\u201d, k\u00ebto vende nuk kualifikohen p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur qasje n\u00eb fondet strukturore t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb zhvillimit apo p\u00ebr n\u00eb fondet e rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjes nga pandemia e Covid-19. Grantet nga BE-ja p\u00ebr shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs juglindore (Bullgaria, Kroacia, Greqia, Hungaria, Rumania dhe Sllovenia), do t\u00eb jen\u00eb gjat\u00eb 7 viteve t\u00eb ardhshme deri n\u00eb 11 her\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb larta sesa ato q\u00eb do t\u00eb marr\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrve\u00e7 disbursimit t\u00eb kapitalit nga fondet strukturore t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e unionit do t\u00eb marrin alokime t\u00eb konsiderueshme nga fondi i rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjes nga pandemia. Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb marr\u00eb vet\u00ebm 500 euro fonde p\u00ebr frym\u00eb gjat\u00eb viteve 2021-2027. Gjat\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs periudh\u00eb, Greqia do t\u00eb marr\u00eb 5.700, nd\u00ebrsa Kroacia gati 5.200 euro p\u00ebr frym\u00eb. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e parashikueshme\u201cmuri\u201d socio-ekonomik midis territoreve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb rreth Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb ngrihet edhe m\u00eb lart, dhe do t\u00eb mbetet i pakap\u00ebrcyesh\u00ebm. Njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendet post-komuniste t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs prisnin nj\u00eb konvergjenc\u00eb ekonomike me pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb kontinentit. Ata pranuan nj\u00eb rritje t\u00eb moderuar t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb, dhe shpresuan p\u00ebr vendosjen e demokracive t\u00eb konsoliduara. Mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr demokracit\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb\u201ctranzicion\u201d, lidhet me suksesin ekonomik dhe t\u00eb ardhurat e individit. Por besimi se regjimet demokratike do t\u00eb sjellin nj\u00eb transformim t\u00eb till\u00eb, tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb zbehur ndjesh\u00ebm. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga shpjegimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr prapambetjen demokratike dhe rritjen e populizmit. R\u00ebnia \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e fort\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, ku pasojat e luft\u00ebrave post-Jugosllave vazhdojn\u00eb, dhe ku progresi n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb i kufizuar. Njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak besim se BE-ja do t\u2019i jap\u00eb rajonit at\u00eb q\u00eb ka predikuar p\u00ebr dekada t\u00eb t\u00ebra. P\u00ebrmbysja e tendencave politike \u00ebsht\u00eb ndoshta e realizueshme, pasi shumica e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor e mb\u00ebshtet ende an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrveprimit njer\u00ebzor, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurur fort me shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Dhe integrimi ekonomik me BE-n\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i till\u00eb q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet leht\u00eb nga Kina dhe partner\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb ekonomik\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar autonomin\u00eb e tij strategjike n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, unioni do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb zbatonte nj\u00eb program t\u00eb financuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb adekuate t\u00eb konvergjenc\u00ebs socio-ekonomike dhe mjedisore t\u00eb rajonit me BE-n\u00eb. Supozoni sikur BE-ja t\u00eb zgjidhte ta trajtonte Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor si t\u00eb ishte de fakto an\u00ebtar. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, sipas nj\u00eb studimi t\u00eb ekonomist\u00ebve n\u00eb Universitetin e Lubjan\u00ebs, barra e vler\u00ebsuar financiare (pa shfryt\u00ebzuar fondet e rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjes) p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e BE-s\u00eb, mund t\u00eb arrij\u00eb midis 0.014 -0.026 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb s\u00eb tyre komb\u00ebtare, ose \u00e7do vit 1.6 dhe 10.8 euro p\u00ebr frym\u00eb. Kjo do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb barr\u00eb e par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Be-n\u00eb, por nj\u00eb investim gjeostrategjik q\u00eb e ndryshon rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht situat\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Nga Du\u0161an Relji\u0107, Euractiv: Me sa duket k\u00ebrkimi i autonomin\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb,ka filluar q\u00eb n\u00eb qershorin e vitit 1991, kur Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm i Luksemburgut Jacques Poos, q\u00eb drejtonte nj\u00eb mision diplomatik t\u00eb Komunitetit Evropian p\u00ebr t\u00eb negociuar zgjidhjen e kriz\u00ebs jugosllave, deklaroi:\u201cKjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ora e Evrop\u00ebs, dhe jo e amerikan\u00ebve!\u201d. Tre dekada m\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2016,"featured_media":204407,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-204404","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/204404","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2016"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=204404"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/204404\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/204407"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=204404"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=204404"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=204404"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}