BEN ANDONI<\/p>\n
Partia Socialiste dhe ajo Demokratike jan\u00eb dy partit\u00eb q\u00eb e kan\u00eb dominuar jet\u00ebn politike n\u00eb vend, me nj\u00eb avantazh tashm\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs, krijuar prej mandatit t\u00eb tret\u00eb t\u00eb PS-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Sistemi i tyre organizativ \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet monoton, sepse dominon me atributet e tij kryetari, kurse shtrirja n\u00eb baz\u00eb lokaliteti, komunitetesh dhe atributesh individuale, vazhdon nj\u00ebtrajt\u00ebsisht. Studiues t\u00eb politologjis\u00eb v\u00ebrejn\u00eb se ky organizim \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet uniform dhe trash\u00ebgohet nga modeli i PPSHs\u00eb (Krasniqi, 2017). Por, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb vitet pas \u201890 ka pasur nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ndryshime midis pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb kryetarit dhe forumeve deri te Grupi Parlamentar, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e dukshme, dy partit\u00eb kryesore, PS-ja dhe PD-ja e Rithemelimit (ende pa tag\u00ebr ligjor, por q\u00eb ka shumic\u00ebn e Grupit Parlamentar) \u00e7do gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur me figurat kryesore, respektivisht Rama dhe Berisha.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb kushtet e reja b\u00ebn nj\u00eb dallim Partia Demokratike (Legale) autoriteti i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn drejtimin e Lulzim Bash\u00ebs po me nj\u00eb bjerrje t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj, ku gjithsesi, duket drejtimi i tij ngado. Prej vitit 2008, kur ndodh\u00ebn ndryshimet kushtetuese n\u00eb vend, prej nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje BerishaRama (at\u00ebbot\u00eb n\u00eb opozit\u00eb), asgj\u00eb nuk flet dot m\u00eb p\u00ebr partit\u00eb e vogla. Ato kan\u00eb humbur pa\u00e7ka vrullit tejet optimist dhe figurave premtuese.<\/p>\n
Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb skakier\u00ebn politike, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, kan\u00eb humbur shenjat ideologjike, n\u00ebse ato kishin qen\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb ose kishin deridiku ndonj\u00eb lloj trage n\u00eb dy partit\u00eb. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pragut t\u00eb lart\u00eb, asnj\u00eb nga forcat politike, q\u00eb mbin, nuk ia del dot t\u00eb futet n\u00eb parlament, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 LSI-s\u00eb (tashm\u00eb transformuar n\u00eb PL), q\u00eb kryesisht prej orientimit t\u00eb saj dhe e dyta prej pragmatizmit t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm t\u00eb Ilir Met\u00ebs ka arritur t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb balanca, her\u00eb t\u00eb PDs\u00eb dhe PS-s\u00eb. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, nisi dhe shk\u00ebrmoqja e saj, q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre ishte kthim i monedh\u00ebs p\u00ebr flirtin, q\u00eb b\u00ebri ish-kryetari i saj i dikursh\u00ebm Meta me \u201ct\u00eb djatht\u00ebt\u201d e Berish\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Po a ekzistojn\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb djatht\u00ebt n\u00eb vend?! Koha dhe artikulimet e ndryshme programore dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb individuale, si edhe qasja n\u00eb praktik\u00eb dhe n\u00eb ideologji e PD-s\u00eb na ka treguar se e djathta, ende nuk ka ardhur v\u00ebrtet n\u00eb pushtet. Mungesa e nj\u00eb tradite historike t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs, p\u00ebr\u00e7arja e partive me k\u00ebt\u00eb orientim t\u00eb paraluft\u00ebs dhe kaosi i tyre ideologjik, mungesa e nj\u00eb grupimi politik pronar\u00ebsh, q\u00eb t\u00eb ndikonin, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kaq represioni komunist nuk i la t\u00eb ngrinin kok\u00eb. PD-ja e pas viteve \u201890 ishte nj\u00eb front dhe jo parti, kund\u00ebr ish-regjimit komunist, q\u00eb abuzoi paq me pronar\u00ebt (shtatori 1993 do mbahet mend, kur ua prishi grev\u00ebn e uris\u00eb), pasi Ligji 7501 e d\u00ebrrmoi pritjen e tyre dhe \u00e7lirimin e pritsh\u00ebm, kurse nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb pas \u201cm\u00ebsimin\u201d e mor\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekurit! Shqip\u00ebria do t\u00eb vuante shum\u00eb dhe bjerrjen e vlerave komb\u00ebtare, atribute themelore t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs, kurse Lufta e Kosov\u00ebs zbuloi gj\u00ebra, q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb trishta: kontrabanda nga Shqip\u00ebria dhe pengesa q\u00eb iu b\u00eb jo pak njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs kosovare, q\u00eb tashm\u00eb e kishin intensifikuar p\u00ebrpjekjen e tyre p\u00ebr kauz\u00ebn e m\u00ebvet\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Duke pasur parasysh konfigurimin, sidomos n\u00eb struktura, u pa se qasja e PD-s\u00eb s\u00eb viteve \u201890 ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr si vazhduese e PPSh-s\u00eb, ndryshe paradoksalisht nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt socialist\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk pat\u00ebn turp ta pohonin trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e tyre, por tashm\u00eb jo pak t\u00eb reformuar p\u00ebr t\u2019iu ngjitur pushtetit. Po ashtu, Partia Socialiste ka vite q\u00eb e ka humbur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i treguar publikut sesa af\u00ebr s\u00eb majt\u00ebs gjenden me idet\u00eb. P\u00ebrgjigjet e munguara sesi do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen politika e PPP-ve, si do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me skandale t\u00eb tilla si ai i incenerator\u00ebve, pse kan\u00eb nisur t\u00eb bjerren gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb vlerat e antifashizmit, si do t\u00eb jet\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi ndaj kapitalit dhe futjen e shtetit te privati\u2026 r\u00ebndojn\u00eb shum\u00eb. Kurse shprehje si ajo e kryeministrit: Ejani n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri se nuk ka Sindikata!-t\u00eb trand.<\/p>\n
PS-ja e sotme \u00ebsht\u00eb jo rrall\u00eb n\u00eb pozicionin e djatht\u00eb, nj\u00eb fenomen, q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm rasti i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb sot, ku kalimi nga nj\u00eb fokus ekonomik i s\u00eb majt\u00ebs drejt fashave t\u00eb tjera i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb ngado parti simotra t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura ngusht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb me ardhjet e financimit, q\u00eb n\u00eb programet e t\u00eb majt\u00ebve de facto konsiderohen si t\u00eb pap\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm. N\u00eb aspektin ideologjik, problemi m\u00eb i madh \u00ebsht\u00eb trash\u00ebgimia dhe se ku do shkoj\u00eb PS-ja sepse paradigm\u00ebn e post demokracis\u00eb e ka rrokur dhe po \u201ce krijon\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb Majt\u00ebn e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb shqiptare, ai dhe vet\u00ebm ai, kryetari Edi Rama, q\u00eb n\u00eb thelb nuk duket fare i Majt\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Ai oaz demokracie q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb dikur, ose m\u00ebtonte t\u00eb ishte me individ\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, si Servet P\u00ebllumbi, Drit\u00ebro Agolli, Moikom Zeqo, q\u00eb artikulonin koncepte, sot \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i rrudhur dhe mezi flet me goj\u00ebn e pak individ\u00ebve me kredibilitet si Xhafa, Bra\u00e7e dhe tek-tuk me seriozitetin e Ko\u00e7it, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb baza e vog\u00ebl e njer\u00ebzve demokrat\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs, po e sheh Kultin e Individit, q\u00eb po i ngrihet p\u00ebrdit\u00eb e m\u00eb i lart\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb syve. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb shkuar, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn u ngrit shqet\u00ebsimi i pak specialist\u00ebve p\u00ebr Amnistin\u00eb Fiskale, bash n\u00eb vitin e fundit t\u00eb qeverisjes; rritjen e rrogave, pa nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar mir\u00eb; politikat e paqarta t\u00eb PPP-ve, t\u00eb gjitha bashk\u00eb duke krijuar nj\u00eb \u201cT\u00eb Majt\u00eb\u201d, q\u00eb s\u2019ishte m\u00eb e till\u00eb. Nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkues italian, Emiliano Branca\u00e7io, e shkroi edhe m\u00eb qart\u00eb, pak vite m\u00eb par\u00eb: \u201cPas daljes nga moda t\u00eb ides\u00eb Blair-iane, t\u00eb obsolenc\u00ebs s\u00eb socialdemokracis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201crruge t\u00eb tret\u00eb\u201d, duket sikur koh\u00ebt e fundit po p\u00ebrhapet nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr teori e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt: E majta \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb sepse pasi hyri n\u00eb qeveri, filloi t\u00eb zbatonte politikat e s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs. Dhe me goxha zell, mund t\u00eb shtojm\u00eb. E konsiderojm\u00eb ne t\u00eb till\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e tregut t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e majme e reformave q\u00eb kan\u00eb kontribuar n\u00eb rritjen e pasiguris\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb ka ardhur si pasoj\u00eb e qeverive me frym\u00ebzim socialist\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u201cPas dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb tranzicionit, identifikimi ideologjik e humbi r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e tij dhe prej 2005 partit\u00eb preferuan m\u00eb shum\u00eb qasje pragmatiste sesa ideologjike n\u00eb koalicione, n\u00eb programe dhe n\u00eb fushata elektorale. N\u00eb partit\u00eb parlamentare diferencat programore jan\u00eb minimale dhe se rendja pas pushtetit, pavar\u00ebsisht shtresimit dhe tradit\u00ebs ideologjike, i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb partit\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme, sidomos kur ato ushtrojn\u00eb pushtet. Kalimet e partive t\u00eb vogla majtas e djathtas, kryesisht p\u00ebr interesa afatshkurtra, \u00ebsht\u00eb tipar i dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit dhe nj\u00eb tregues tjet\u00ebr i paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb identitet ideologjik\u201d (Krasniqi, 2017). Ndaj, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb do ishte e nevojshme q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt t\u00eb na japin nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb asaj se \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Arsyeja \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrmes mark\u00ebs ideologjike, qytetar\u00ebt mund t\u00eb projektojn\u00eb imazhin e tyre p\u00ebr brandin e PS dhe PD-s\u00eb, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ose jo nj\u00eb pamje e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e asaj \u00e7ka presin nga secila pal\u00eb. Po t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, duket se autoritarizmi dhe nepotizmi, q\u00eb i kemi p\u00ebrball\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt po ikin, kurse partit\u00eb po u rreshtin edhe militant\u00ebt. Pa\u00e7ka nj\u00eb lloj shprese t\u00eb vak\u00ebt, tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb duket qart\u00eb: PS dhe PD e kan\u00eb mbyllur misionin e tyre, kurse tragjedia politike e vendit \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk mund t\u00eb zgjedhin p\u00ebrtej tyre\u2026 n\u00eb mungese t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve te reja, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb trandin. (Homo Albanicus)<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
BEN ANDONI Partia Socialiste dhe ajo Demokratike jan\u00eb dy partit\u00eb q\u00eb e kan\u00eb dominuar jet\u00ebn politike n\u00eb vend, me nj\u00eb avantazh tashm\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs, krijuar prej mandatit t\u00eb tret\u00eb t\u00eb PS-s\u00eb. Sistemi i tyre organizativ \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet monoton, sepse dominon me atributet e tij kryetari, kurse shtrirja n\u00eb baz\u00eb lokaliteti, komunitetesh dhe atributesh individuale, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2037,"featured_media":303485,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,364,5380,231,1454,235],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-334057","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-koment-opinion","9":"category-kryesore","10":"category-lajme","11":"category-politike","12":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/334057","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2037"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=334057"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/334057\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":334058,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/334057\/revisions\/334058"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/303485"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=334057"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=334057"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=334057"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}