NGA BEN ANDONI<\/p>\n
Shkrimi nuk m\u00ebton t\u00eb hedh\u00eb drit\u00eb mbi procedurat e masave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr z. Berisha dhe as synon t\u00eb sjell\u00eb risi n\u00eb planin e p\u00ebrballjes s\u00eb tij n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen me Drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Shkruhet thjesht me iden\u00eb n\u00ebse rasti \u201cBerisha\u201d, ashtu si edhe shum\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb historin\u00eb ton\u00eb, respektojn\u00eb kanonet logjike morale t\u00eb historis\u00eb dhe si mund ta gjykojm\u00eb at\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb b\u00ebn\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb historin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr p\u00ebrcaktimin e historis\u00eb, ndoshta m\u00eb af\u00ebr shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Keimbrixh, q\u00ebndron ky p\u00ebrshkrim: \u201c (\u2026) \u00ebsht\u00eb studimi i ndryshimit p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb kalimit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs dhe mbulon t\u00eb gjitha aspektet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb njer\u00ebzore. Zhvillimet politike, sociale, ekonomike, shkencore, teknologjike, mjek\u00ebsore, kulturore, intelektuale, fetare dhe ushtarake jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha pjes\u00eb e historis\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb tem\u00ebn ton\u00eb: A duhet t\u00eb konsiderohet Berisha, nj\u00eb personazh historik me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb atributet, se b\u00ebri ndryshimet e duhura sasiore dhe cil\u00ebsor\u00eb n\u00eb aspekte t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb vend? I p\u00ebrjashtojm\u00eb kahet e kund\u00ebrta t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje e menj\u00ebhershme racionale pohon: Po! Patjet\u00ebr!<\/p>\n
Dy her\u00eb u ngjit n\u00eb postin e Presidentit t\u00eb vendit (mandati i dyt\u00eb fare i shkurt\u00ebr), kur vendi nisi periudh\u00ebn e ndryshimeve dhe pas katrahur\u00ebs 1997; dy her\u00eb ishte kryeminist\u00ebr, n\u00eb periudhat kur vendi arriti liberalizimin dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb NATO, p\u00ebrpos shum\u00eb gj\u00ebrave, q\u00eb ia rendisin tashm\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tij dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjerave q\u00eb pohojn\u00eb sot studiuesit, por ku m\u00eb shum\u00eb i num\u00ebrohen pasojat morale t\u00eb vendimeve dhe sjelljeve t\u00eb tij politike: Zgjedhjet e vitit \u201896 dhe p\u00ebrgjakja e opozit\u00ebs s\u00eb at\u00ebhershme; ngjarjet e gati Luft\u00ebs Civile t\u00eb Vitit 1997; Piramidat financiare t\u00eb viteve \u201890; q\u00ebndrimin m\u00ebdysh\u00ebs n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs dhe kontraband\u00ebn e asokohe; 21 Janarin dhe viktimat e pafajshme t\u00eb asaj dite etj..<\/p>\n
Po, a ka mundur historia jon\u00eb moderne ta legjitimoj\u00eb \u201cBerish\u00ebn\u201d n\u00eb pretendimet p\u00ebr arritje t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta politike-sociale-ekonomike? N\u00eb fakt, n\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb do t\u00eb duhen ende vite p\u00ebr t\u00eb fiksuar nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. E para, sepse historia ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn e maturimit, e dyta, sepse vet\u00eb historian\u00ebt tan\u00eb duhet t\u00eb lirohen nga emocionet dhe t\u2019i dor\u00ebzohen mendimit t\u00eb kthjell\u00ebt. Filozofi francez, njeriu i ideve, Michel Foucault e shtjellonte pak m\u00eb ndryshe si koncept k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb historis\u00eb atribute morali: \u201cMeqen\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e t\u00eb qenurit gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb na jepet n\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb, historia \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb elementi i pashmangsh\u00ebm n\u00eb mendimin ton\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n
Ve\u00e7se n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb, historia konsiderohet shpesh si e pap\u00ebrfillshme dhe b\u00ebhet e till\u00eb si nga vler\u00ebsimi bashk\u00ebkohor, por edhe interpretimet, sidomos t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs. Qoft\u00eb edhe nga kund\u00ebrshtit\u00eb, q\u00eb lidhen me p\u00ebrkufizim fare t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb \u201chistoris\u00eb\u201d, si n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebndomt\u00eb. M\u00ebtimet nga forcat tona politike ofrojn\u00eb interpretime t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta t\u00eb \u201chistoris\u00eb\u201d, si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb caktuar p\u00ebr interesat e tyre, nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb stabilizuar ose minuar at\u00eb q\u00eb Foucault i referohet si: \u201cnj\u00eb sistem sundimi\u201d. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb nga ekuacioni hiqen me dashje konceptet p\u00ebr moralin politik dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn sesi kjo ndikon p\u00ebr historin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Duket se publiku yn\u00eb nuk lirohet dot p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shqyrtim shum\u00eb t\u00eb kujdessh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb ftoht\u00eb p\u00ebr historin\u00eb. M\u00eb shum\u00eb akoma prej produktit t\u00eb institucioneve, studiuesve, individ\u00ebve dhe kuptohet politikan\u00ebve q\u00eb e shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb thjesht p\u00ebr deliret dhe projeksionet e tyre. Jo m\u00eb kot: Cilido lider, q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tij i ka poseduar t\u00eb gjitha cil\u00ebsit\u00eb e liderit dhe tiparet e moralit dhe historia e b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrmes tij konsiderohet fare e drejt\u00eb. Pa\u00e7ka se historia n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste p\u00ebr individ\u00ebt politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb thjesht n\u00eb interesin e tyre.<\/p>\n
\u201cHarku i universit moral \u00ebsht\u00eb i gjat\u00eb\u201d, u kujtonte ndjek\u00ebsve t\u00eb tij Martin Luther King, \u201cpor ai p\u00ebrkulet drejt drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb\u201d (Luther King Jr., 1968). Fidel Castro, nj\u00eb personazh m\u00eb i hidhur, por q\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoi narrativ\u00eb sfiduese historike n\u00eb shekullin e shkuar kujtohet kur u tha gjyqtar\u00ebve q\u00eb e d\u00ebrguan n\u00eb burg n\u00eb vitin 1953 se d\u00ebnimi i tyre s\u2019kishte fare r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, sepse \u201chistoria do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ajo q\u00eb do m\u00eb shfaj\u00ebsoj\u00eb\u201d (Castro, 1953).<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri do t\u00eb kujtohen fjal\u00ebt e fundit t\u00eb disa prej klerik\u00ebve dhe patriot\u00ebve tan\u00eb qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr mesazhin historik, por edhe konotacionet politike, q\u00eb i n\u00ebnshtrohen moralit t\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe ku d\u00ebshmohet pafaj\u00ebsia, pohohet adhurimi p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe se historia do t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkoj\u00eb me patjet\u00ebr, q\u00ebndrimet e pamoralshme politike t\u00eb bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebsve. Dhe, v\u00ebrtet\u00eb koha do t\u2019u jepte t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. E habitshme se sot, k\u00ebto raste q\u00eb glorifikohen, nuk shqyrtohen ftoht\u00eb, bashk\u00eb me narrativat tona historike dhe morali q\u00eb p\u00ebrshtat\u00ebm derisa u p\u00ebrcoll\u00ebn n\u00eb varr. Historia duket se nuk na ndihmon ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb ne nuk nxjerrim m\u00ebsim prej saj, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb postulatin klasik t\u00eb Hegel.<\/p>\n
Dhe, kjo n\u00ebnkupton se jemi t\u00eb destinuar, ne si shqiptar\u00eb, por edhe si individ\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisim gabimet tona. Kjo po ndodh sot me Berish\u00ebn nga ai vet\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk po e b\u00ebn dot p\u00ebrballjen direkt me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, me synimin t\u00eb mbes\u00eb n\u00eb histori duke ia l\u00ebn\u00eb asaj gjykimin moral p\u00ebr t\u00eb! Ata, q\u00eb po e shohin me tifozll\u00ebk k\u00ebt\u00eb proces t\u00eb tijin me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, ndahen n\u00eb ata q\u00eb e kundrojn\u00eb si frik\u00eb dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt si trim\u00ebri. P\u00ebrndryshe, njer\u00ebzit e af\u00ebrt dhe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e Berish\u00ebs, nuk e ndajn\u00eb dot karakterin e tij politik dhe pesh\u00ebn e moralit n\u00eb histori, ku kriteri i vet\u00ebm mbetet p\u00ebrballja me interesin e vendit dhe respekti ndaj vlerave m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta shembuj, komenti i historianit gjerman Reinhardt Koselleck p\u00ebr Emanuel Kant \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr sensin ton\u00eb t\u00eb gjykimit: \u201cKanti, thot\u00eb ai, ofron \u2018historin\u00eb si nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpi t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme korrigjimi p\u00ebr moralin\u2019\u201d, citon Joan Scott n\u00eb studimin \u201cThe Political Uses of History\u201d, nga e cila kemi shk\u00ebputur disa teza dhe shembujt e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm. Kuptimet e ndryshme t\u00eb \u201chistoris\u00eb\u201d, sipas Scott, duhet t\u2019i lexojm\u00eb jo si p\u00ebrcaktime objektive apo parashikime p\u00ebrfundimtare, por si programe politike q\u00eb imagjinojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund ose s\u2019mund t\u00eb duam t\u00eb jemi pjes\u00eb. Interpretimi yn\u00eb i historis\u00eb, me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb vetvete nj\u00eb zgjedhje politike, etike dhe ndoshta morale, ku b\u00ebhet diferenca.<\/p>\n
Sak ky \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb momenti i sot\u00ebm i Berish\u00ebs, q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballej realisht me historin\u00eb. Duke shkuar te rasti i SHBA-ve dhe sulmi mbi Kapitol, historia, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast n\u00eb kanonet e saj shkon p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb ligjore dhe morale, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb thyer\u00ebsit e ligjit para drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb interes t\u00eb sigurimit t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb kund\u00ebr atyre q\u00eb do t\u00eb synonin ta minonin (Scott, 2022). T\u00eb mendosh se nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb munduar ta eksportoj\u00eb demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebr dekada me radh\u00eb, tashm\u00eb mezi po mundohet ta mbaj\u00eb dhe ta zbatoj\u00eb si duhet n\u00eb vendin e vet.<\/p>\n
Edhe pse n\u00eb rastin e ish-Presidentit Trump, tregoi nivel tejet t\u00eb lart\u00eb, por ende sfidues. Do kujtohet n\u00eb histori, kryetarja e Konferenc\u00ebs Republikane t\u00eb Dhom\u00ebs s\u00eb P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve, Liz Cheney, q\u00eb e shprehu k\u00ebshtu, k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet q\u00eb afrohet me tem\u00ebn ton\u00eb: \u201c\u2026 ua them k\u00ebt\u00eb koleg\u00ebve t\u00eb mi republikan\u00eb q\u00eb po mbrojn\u00eb t\u00eb pambrojtshmin: Do t\u00eb vij\u00eb nj\u00eb dit\u00eb kur Donald Trump t\u00eb ik\u00eb, por \u00e7nderimi juaj do t\u00eb mbetet\u201d.<\/p>\n
Gjykimi i historis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebshkues sa i p\u00ebrket konceptit moral dhe neve po vuajm\u00eb ende q\u00eb s\u2019kemi nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb pranuar gjer\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr periudhat e m\u00ebparshme historike, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb jemi ende t\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktuar p\u00ebr regjimin e Zogut dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Enver Hoxh\u00ebs, duke mos i p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb e l\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, si nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta refuzuar njohjen e trash\u00ebgimive t\u00eb keqe t\u00eb tyre (bashk\u00eb me strukturat q\u00eb i mund\u00ebsuan ato) n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen.<\/p>\n
Dhe, \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, n\u00ebse shoq\u00ebria e sotme do arrij\u00eb t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb si duhet se: ajo q\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet dhe gjykohet drejt\u00ebsisht me Berish\u00ebn do ofroj\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj garancie ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nj\u00eb premtim, se veprimi i nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb tashm\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb do t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme n\u00eb p\u00ebrparimin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare. Referuar historian\u00ebve sot, gjykohet se premisa themelore e arritur \u00ebsht\u00eb se historia n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit l\u00ebviz n\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim progresiv, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se respekti i moralit politik do t\u00eb jet\u00eb treguesi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr Drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, ndaj t\u00eb gjith\u00eb streh\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs, por edhe stadi ku ndodhet sot karakteri i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare. (Homo Albanicus)<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
NGA BEN ANDONI Shkrimi nuk m\u00ebton t\u00eb hedh\u00eb drit\u00eb mbi procedurat e masave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr z. Berisha dhe as synon t\u00eb sjell\u00eb risi n\u00eb planin e p\u00ebrballjes s\u00eb tij n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen me Drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Shkruhet thjesht me iden\u00eb n\u00ebse rasti \u201cBerisha\u201d, ashtu si edhe shum\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb historin\u00eb ton\u00eb, respektojn\u00eb kanonet logjike […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2037,"featured_media":321579,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,364,1454,235],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-398548","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-koment-opinion","9":"category-politike","10":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/398548","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2037"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=398548"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/398548\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":398549,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/398548\/revisions\/398549"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/321579"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=398548"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=398548"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=398548"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}