Aleati i koalicionit ‘PD-Aleanca p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb Madh\u00ebshtore’, Nard Ndoka duket nuk e ka pritur mir\u00eb humbjen e zgjedhjeve parlamentare t\u00eb 11 majit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb statusi n\u00eb rrjetet sociale, Ndoka ka kritikuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si u b\u00ebn\u00eb listat dhe e quan at\u00eb nga ana e Berish\u00ebs si nj\u00eb kontroll politik mbi opozit\u00ebn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sipas Ndok\u00ebs, Berisha \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb simboli i nj\u00eb krize p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi q\u00eb ka kapur gjith\u00eb opozit\u00ebn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reagimi i plot\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n 1. Problemi Themelor i Zgjedhjeve: Aleati i koalicionit ‘PD-Aleanca p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb Madh\u00ebshtore’, Nard Ndoka duket nuk e ka pritur mir\u00eb humbjen e zgjedhjeve parlamentare t\u00eb 11 majit. P\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb statusi n\u00eb rrjetet sociale, Ndoka ka kritikuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si u b\u00ebn\u00eb listat dhe e quan at\u00eb nga ana e Berish\u00ebs si nj\u00eb kontroll politik mbi opozit\u00ebn. Sipas Ndok\u00ebs, Berisha \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb […]<\/p>",
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Fushata e centralizuar rreth nj\u00eb figure
Berisha nd\u00ebrtoi nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb me natyr\u00eb piramidale, ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00ebt kishin nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb vet\u00ebm: sh\u00ebrbimin ndaj liderit. Kjo m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs, ndon\u00ebse efikase p\u00ebr mobilizim afatshkurt\u00ebr, \u00e7oi n\u00eb eliminimin e gar\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme, munges\u00ebn e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb gjer\u00eb dhe bllokimin e \u00e7do energjie t\u00eb re.
Pasoj\u00eb: Humbja e besimit n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim real, krijimi i nj\u00eb strukture q\u00eb nuk prodhon lider\u00eb, por ndjek\u00ebs.
2. \u00c7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb ndryshe?
Modeli i hapur dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i gar\u00ebs p\u00ebr kryeminist\u00ebr:
\u2022 5 figura politike si kandidat\u00eb alternativ\u00eb p\u00ebr kryeminist\u00ebr: Belind K\u00eblli\u00e7i, Tomor Alizoti, Ilir Alimehmeti, Jorida Tabaku, Gazment Bardhi, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto n\u00eb liste t\u00eb hapur.
\u2022 Lista t\u00eb hapura dhe transparenc\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si zgjidhet kandidati p\u00ebr kryeminist\u00ebr \u2013 sipas vot\u00ebs n\u00eb zgjedhje + finalizim n\u00eb primare t\u00eb pas-zgjedhjeve.
\u2022 Model hibrid anglosakson dhe italian, ku figura t\u00eb forta n\u00eb qarqe konkurrojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur edhe vot\u00ebn komb\u00ebtare.
Qeveri hije me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim territorial real:
\u2022 \u00c7do qark p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet me em\u00ebr dhe mbiem\u00ebr n\u00eb qeverin\u00eb hije duke krijuar nj\u00eb Lider Lokal qe merr pergjegj\u00ebsi.
\u2022 Njer\u00ebzit duan t\u00eb din\u00eb se kush do jet\u00eb ministri i tyre n\u00ebse opozita fiton \u2013 konkretizim, jo premtime abstrakte.
3. Pse do funksiononte kjo skem\u00eb?
Sepse:
\u2022 Grupet e interesit k\u00ebrkonin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, jo teat\u00ebr politik: pronar\u00ebt, ish-t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekurit, diaspora, biznesi i vog\u00ebl, votuesit gri, madje edhe segmentet q\u00eb zakonisht i p\u00ebrdorin pushtetet p\u00ebr pazare.
\u2022 N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb konkrete, me njer\u00ebz real\u00eb, Rama vazhdon t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb jo p\u00ebr merita, por p\u00ebr munges\u00eb konkurrence serioze.
4. N\u00ebse jo kjo skem\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ndodhi?
\u2022 Berisha zgjodhi t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb kontrollin absolut mbi opozit\u00ebn, duke mos u ngritur \u201cmbi pal\u00ebt\u201d, por duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb pal\u00eb me nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej tyre.
\u2022 N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, fut veten dhe gjith\u00eb opozit\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb ng\u00ebr\u00e7 p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi dhe legjitimiteti, si politik, ashtu edhe kushtetues.
\u2022 \u00c7do thirrje p\u00ebr bashkim apo moral pas humbjes nuk ka m\u00eb vler\u00eb politike, sepse vota e qytetarit k\u00ebrkon struktur\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese, jo figura tribale.
5. Konkluzioni politik:
Po, me k\u00ebt\u00eb skem\u00eb do mund t\u00eb fitonit, ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn t\u00eb krijonit nj\u00eb opozit\u00eb q\u00eb ringjall shpres\u00ebn dhe thyen apatin\u00eb. Humbja e k\u00ebsaj mund\u00ebsie nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm strategjike \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb humbje e besimit n\u00eb pluraliz\u00ebm.
Sot, Berisha \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb simboli i nj\u00eb krize p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi q\u00eb ka kapur gjith\u00eb opozit\u00ebn, dhe ironikisht, kjo e b\u00ebn Ram\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt se kurr\u00eb.
N\u00ebse do t\u00eb duhej ta sintetizoja k\u00ebt\u00eb model politik me nj\u00eb fjali:
\u201cNga nj\u00eb lider i vet\u00ebm, te nj\u00eb ekip q\u00eb fton p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim real \u2013 kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb rruga q\u00eb opozita nuk mori, dhe sot po paguan fatur\u00ebn.\u201d<\/em><\/p>",
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