Pas m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy jav\u00ebsh protest\u00eb t\u00eb pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb, pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb sa do t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb rezistenca n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, por si do t\u00eb reagoj\u00eb sistemi politik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mes sloganeve t\u00eb shumta, ai q\u00eb p\u00ebrcakton k\u00ebt\u00eb moment \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cShqip\u00ebria e Re\u201d, nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb e qart\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim modeli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Historia politike tregon se kur n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri krijohet nj\u00eb mas\u00eb kritike pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsie, ajo her\u00ebt a von\u00eb gjen p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim. Pyetja q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb jav\u00ebt e ardhshme \u00ebsht\u00eb: Kush do ta lexoj\u00eb dhe kush do ta \u201ckap\u00eb\u201d i pari k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim?
Dinamika aktuale dikton kat\u00ebr skenare t\u00eb mundshme:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1. Kooptimi nga pushteti: Ndryshimi i rregullave t\u00eb loj\u00ebs pa ndryshuar aktor\u00ebt.
Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb skenari m\u00eb pragmatik p\u00ebr Partin\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. N\u00ebse qeveria vazhdon ta trajtoj\u00eb protest\u00ebn si nj\u00eb \u201cdalldi\/dallg\u00eb\u201d kalimtare, ajo rrezikon t\u00eb keqkuptoj\u00eb thell\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe perimetrin e kriz\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia, ve\u00e7 t\u00eb tjerash, buron nga lodhja me p\u00ebrqendrimin e pushtetit, bab\u00ebzia dhe arroganca.
P\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar, pushteti mund t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb i pari, jo duke u terhequr, por duke hapur loj\u00ebn; ndryshime n\u00eb kodin zgjedhor, hapje t\u00eb listave, apo mekanizma t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb direkte (referendume). P\u00ebr PS-n\u00eb, ky do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb proces \u201cvet\u00ebkorrigjimi\u201d i detyruar p\u00ebr t\u00eb rikuperuar terrenin e humbur p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb p\u00ebrplaset me val\u00ebn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
2. Sfida nga e reja:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
L\u00ebvizja qytetare (bashk\u00eb me partite e reja) q\u00eb po ushqehen nga kjo protest\u00eb kan\u00eb avantazhin moral, por vuajn\u00eb nga fragmentimi dhe s\u00ebmundja gjenetike q\u00eb gjithkush e mendon veten \u201ct\u00eb parin\u201d. Aktualisht, ato rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn p\u00ebr vendin e dyt\u00eb apo t\u00eb tret\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb ku ende nuk jan\u00eb korrigjuar rregullat e loj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Q\u00eb ky pol (pa p\u00ebrjashtuar nj\u00eb parti t\u00eb re) t\u00eb jet\u00eb fituesi i k\u00ebtij momenti, duhet t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb nga faza e frym\u00ebs dhe zem\u00ebrimit n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e struktur\u00ebs dhe koordinimit. N\u00ebse arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb platform\u00eb minimale t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb thithin, kanalizojn\u00eb e strukturojn\u00eb energjin\u00eb e sheshit, ato mund t\u00eb kthehen n\u00eb p\u00ebrfitueset kryesore t\u00eb k\u00ebtij ekuacioni. N\u00ebse jo, energjia do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahet dhe do t\u00eb kthehet s\u00ebrish n\u00eb apati e zhg\u00ebnjim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
3. Opozita konvencionale
Partia m\u00eb e madhe e opozit\u00ebs gjendet para nj\u00eb paradoksi: kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb protesta m\u00eb e madhe post-komuniste, por ajo nuk po zhvillohet n\u00ebn sigl\u00ebn e saj. Shoq\u00ebria n\u00eb shesh po proteston sa kund\u00ebr qeveris\u00eb, aq edhe kund\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebrit politik\u00eb, pjes\u00eb e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe opozita tradicionale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Opozita mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse kupton se deklaratat e \u201cmb\u00ebshtetjes\u201d nuk mjaftojn\u00eb. Ajo duhet t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb veten p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb pretendoj\u00eb t\u00eb ricikloj\u00eb pushtetin. Kjo k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb hapje radikale ndaj figurave t\u00eb reja, mbylljen e llogarive t\u00eb vjetra t\u00eb sherreve t\u00eb brendshme dhe nj\u00eb program q\u00eb rezonon me pjes\u00ebn q\u00eb deri dje nuk dilte n\u00eb shesh.
Skenari m\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm mbetet ai i status-quo-s\u00eb: p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr ta injoruar, p\u00ebrqeshur kompromentuar, apo grabitur protest\u00ebn, duke pritur q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb shuhet nga konsumi i koh\u00ebs apo lodhja.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
4. Radikalizimi
Ekziston nj\u00eb pik\u00eb thyerjeje ku strategjia e pushtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb rraskapitur protest\u00ebn kthehet n\u00eb bumerang. N\u00ebse vijohet me \u201cne pun\u00ebn ton\u00eb, ju tuaj\u00ebn\u201d, situata mund t\u00eb dal\u00eb jasht\u00eb kontrollit, nga nj\u00eb incident sado banal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb momentin q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt ndiejn\u00eb se me marshim nuk i d\u00ebgjon kush, mund t\u00eb vendosin t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb marsh dhe, kur askush nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb protest\u00ebn skena zhvendoset drejt nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjejes.
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, kostoja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb thjesht politike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb parti, por ekzistenciale p\u00ebr stabilitetin e vendit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00c7far\u00ebdo ecurie t\u00eb marr\u00eb , kjo protest\u00eb tashm\u00eb ka prodhuar nj\u00eb rezultat q\u00eb nuk e zhb\u00ebn koha: ka thyer frik\u00ebn e apatin\u00eb dhe ka krijuar nj\u00eb klim\u00eb t\u00eb re politike. Hap\u00ebsira publike \u00ebsht\u00eb rikonfiguruar dhe qytetar\u00ebt kan\u00eb kuptuar se nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri, nuk do t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb ai q\u00eb reziston m\u00eb gjat\u00eb, por ai aktor politik q\u00eb do t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb m\u00eb shpejt se vendi ka ndryshuar p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Pas m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy jav\u00ebsh protest\u00eb t\u00eb pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb, pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb sa do t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb rezistenca n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, por si do t\u00eb reagoj\u00eb sistemi politik. Mes sloganeve t\u00eb shumta, ai q\u00eb p\u00ebrcakton k\u00ebt\u00eb moment \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cShqip\u00ebria e Re\u201d, nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb e qart\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim modeli. Historia politike tregon se kur n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri krijohet […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2013,"featured_media":429339,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,364,5380,231,1454,235],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-429338","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-koment-opinion","9":"category-kryesore","10":"category-lajme","11":"category-politike","12":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/429338","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2013"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=429338"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/429338\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":429340,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/429338\/revisions\/429340"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/429339"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=429338"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=429338"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=429338"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}