T\u00eb ulur rreth tryez\u00ebs s\u00eb mbledhjes s\u00eb Grupit Parlamentar t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste, deputet\u00ebt prisnin fjalimin e liderit t\u00eb tyre. P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb or\u00eb, Edi Rama nd\u00ebrtoi at\u00eb q\u00eb e quajti \u201cPasqyra Flamingo\u201d, nj\u00eb reflektim mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ishte ushtruar pushteti, mbi raportin e qeveris\u00eb me qytetar\u00ebt dhe mbi nevoj\u00ebn, sipas tij, p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar besimin e cenuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nd\u00ebr rreshta, mes nj\u00eb rezymeje t\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb \u201carritjeve historike\u201d t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, Kryeministri identifikoi si nj\u00eb nga arsyet q\u00eb kishte iniciuar \u201cRevolucionin Flamingo\u201d arroganc\u00ebn dhe munges\u00ebn e empatis\u00eb s\u00eb administrat\u00ebs publike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cUn\u00eb pash\u00eb se sa e padurueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit mungesa e empatis\u00eb s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb shtetit, arroganca e zyrtar\u00ebve pa gjak\u201d, deklaroi ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00ebr pedagogun e shkencave politike, Klejd K\u00eblli\u00e7i, i gjith\u00eb fjalimi p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson reagimin tipik t\u00eb nj\u00eb lideri me tipare autoritare n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment jo t\u00eb volitsh\u00ebm politik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201c\u00cbsht\u00eb fjalimi tipik i nj\u00eb lideri autoritar p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb krize sociopolitike\u201d, thot\u00eb ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00ebr njoh\u00ebsit e shkencave politike, p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr ta lokalizuar problemin te administrata nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e re n\u00eb diskursin politik t\u00eb Ram\u00ebs. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb rast tjet\u00ebr i atribuimit t\u00eb problemit tek disa zyrtar\u00eb q\u00eb \u201chan\u00eb dardha pas shpin\u00ebs s\u00eb tij\u201d, ashtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehur kryeministri n\u00eb rastet e akuzave p\u00ebr korrupsion t\u00eb disa prej bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt, duke u m\u00ebnjanuar nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia prej lideri.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Edhe gazetari dhe analisti Lutfi Dervishi e konsideron atribuimin e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb tek administrata si t\u00eb pamjaftuesh\u00ebm. Sipas tij, kjo e fundit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shkaku i kriz\u00ebs, por derivat i m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar dhe funksionon pushteti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cMendoj se problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i thell\u00eb se administrata. Arroganca dhe paaft\u00ebsia e saj jan\u00eb simptoma, jo shkaku. Pas 13 vitesh n\u00eb pushtet, administrata \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i modelit t\u00eb qeverisjes, jo nj\u00eb realitet i shk\u00ebputur prej tij\u201d, argumenton Dervishi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reduktimi i kriz\u00ebs vet\u00ebm te mungesa e empatis\u00eb s\u00eb disa zyrtar\u00ebve, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb shesh artikulohen k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb lidhura me vet\u00eb organizimin e ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, p\u00ebr Dervishin, t\u00eb merresh vet\u00ebm me sip\u00ebrfaqen e problemit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cKur qytetar\u00ebt protestojn\u00eb p\u00ebr jav\u00eb me radh\u00eb, duke kaluar nga nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb mjedisore te k\u00ebrkesat p\u00ebr llogaridh\u00ebnie, korrupsion dhe dor\u00ebheqje t\u00eb Kryeministrit, kjo tregon se kriza lidhet me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si ushtrohet pushteti, si merren vendimet dhe sa funksionojn\u00eb institucionet, jo vet\u00ebm me sjelljen e n\u00ebpun\u00ebsve\u201d, argumenton ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, ekspert\u00ebt v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje edhe pesh\u00ebn reale q\u00eb administrata mban n\u00eb hartimin e politikave publike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Profesori K\u00eblli\u00e7i argumenton se ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht zbatuese besnike, nd\u00ebrsa vendimmarrja politike mbetet e p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb nivelet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb qeverisjes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cAdministrata \u00ebsht\u00eb veg\u00ebl qorre, e cila merr syt\u00eb dhe drejtimin nga aparati qeveris\u00ebs. N\u00ebse fadromat e Bashkis\u00eb shkojn\u00eb, fjala vjen, n\u00eb lagjen 5 Maji dhe prishin nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb nd\u00ebrtesash p\u00ebr t\u2019i hapur rrug\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimeve t\u00eb klient\u00ebve t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, kjo nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me arroganc\u00eb, sa me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi direkte t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb orientojn\u00eb dhe hartojn\u00eb politikat publike\u201d, thekson K\u00eblli\u00e7i.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Por edhe pse ekspert\u00ebt e shohin aparatin e administrat\u00ebs t\u00eb zhveshur nga \u00e7do fuqi vendimmarr\u00ebse, apo m\u00eb s\u00eb paku iniciativ\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebse, kjo nuk i ka shp\u00ebtuar q\u00eb t\u00eb vihet n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb kritikave t\u00eb kreut t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u201cBesa\u201d simboli i lasht\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb re<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Pas nj\u00eb fjalimi 60-minut\u00ebsh, i cili ngjante m\u00eb shum\u00eb me nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb piko-analitike t\u00eb protest\u00ebs n\u00eb spektrin e Kryeministrit, nj\u00eb dokument disa faq\u00ebsh u b\u00eb i njohur p\u00ebr deputet\u00ebt e PS-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mbi kopertin\u00ebn e tij shkruhej \u201cBesa\u201d, nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb simbol q\u00eb dukej se ishte nxjerr\u00eb nga Eposi i lasht\u00eb i Kreshnik\u00ebve dhe ishte vendosur si titull i dokumentit t\u00eb ashtuquajtur strategjik, i cili iu la detyr\u00eb gjat\u00eb pushimeve t\u00eb ver\u00ebs deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb Partis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cDo ta merrni t\u00eb gjith\u00eb me vete p\u00ebr ta shkoqitur qet\u00ebsisht gjat\u00eb pushimeve, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb i hapur p\u00ebr, si\u00e7 thash\u00eb, kontribute\u201d, u tha ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Teksti prej rreth 40 faqesh, q\u00eb m\u00eb pas u publikua n\u00eb media, nuk ofron statistika, objektiva t\u00eb matsh\u00ebm apo nj\u00eb plan t\u00eb detajuar qeveris\u00ebs. Ai i ngjante m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nj\u00eb manuali komunikimi, p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit Kryeministri do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte t\u00eb mundur ndryshimin e kursit t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs qeveris\u00ebse, duke u p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb riformuloj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes pushtetit dhe qytetarit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cBesa\u201d, si\u00e7 tha edhe Kryeministri, nj\u00eb em\u00ebr q\u00eb \u201cdo t\u00eb ngjallte debat\u201d, \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala q\u00eb, sipas studiuesve t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb rikthyer nj\u00eb element t\u00eb konsumuar gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb gjata n\u00eb pushtet: besimin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Gazetari dhe analisti Aleksand\u00ebr \u00c7ipa e vendos publikimin e dokumentit n\u00eb kontekstin e kriz\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb, sipas tij, po kalon vet\u00eb Kryeministri.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cKy dokument vjen n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment q\u00eb vet\u00eb kryeministri, si politikan jet\u00ebgjat\u00eb n\u00eb qeverisje dhe dominues i realitetit politik, ka p\u00ebsuar dhe po p\u00ebrjeton nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb publike, por sidomos kriz\u00ebn e besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb vet\u201d, tha ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cEmpatia\u201d, \u201cd\u00ebgjimi\u201d dhe \u201cvendosja e qytetarit n\u00eb qend\u00ebr\u201d p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb boshtin e shtat\u00eb pikave q\u00eb dominuan jo vet\u00ebm fjalimin, por edhe dokumentin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Megjithat\u00eb, sipas Aleksand\u00ebr \u00c7ip\u00ebs, kjo p\u00ebrpjekje mbetet e pamjaftueshme. Sipas tij, fitimi i besimit t\u00eb qytetarit do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysje t\u00ebr\u00ebsore t\u00eb realitetit politik aktual.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cPerceptimi ndryshohet me akte dhe procese kap\u00ebrcyese n\u00eb tri plane: s\u00eb pari, n\u00eb shembjen e perceptimit t\u00eb dekriminalizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve shtet-veprimtari kriminale; s\u00eb dyti, me nj\u00eb trajtim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht t\u00eb reformuar t\u00eb problemit t\u00eb pron\u00ebsis\u00eb; dhe s\u00eb treti, me nj\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb raportit t\u00eb shtetit me qytetarin, ku shteti t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb tij dhe jo p\u00ebrcaktues i fatit t\u00eb tij\u201d, argumenton ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Profesori K\u00eblli\u00e7i argumenton gjithashtu se prej shum\u00eb vitesh e gjith\u00eb struktura qeveris\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar n\u00eb synimet p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb imazhi t\u00eb shitsh\u00ebm jasht\u00eb vendit dhe energjit\u00eb e tyre jan\u00eb zhvendosur n\u00eb krijimin e imazhit dhe jo n\u00eb mir\u00ebqenien reale t\u00eb qytetarit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00ebsisoj, edhe dokumentin, profesori e sheh si nj\u00eb instrument k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi p\u00ebr grupin parlamentar t\u00eb PS-s\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb manual orientimi t\u00eb Kryeministrit p\u00ebr t\u00eb disiplinuar shumic\u00ebn e tij socialiste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cU duk sikur Besa ishte nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim\/siguri p\u00ebr grupin parlamentar, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm i dob\u00ebt, por i paaft\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me kriza politike pa u fshehur prapa Ram\u00ebs. Besa \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb orientimi politik p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb identitet, t\u00eb cilin deputet\u00ebt e PS-s\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rrethanave politike, dhe mos t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb se brenda mazhoranc\u00ebs ka tensione politike si n\u00eb qend\u00ebr, ashtu edhe n\u00eb periferi, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthejn\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do moment\u201d, argumenton ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Por, p\u00ebrpos nj\u00eb mesazhi simbolik, K\u00eblli\u00e7i nuk v\u00ebren n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjen e dokumentit ndonj\u00eb risi substanciale n\u00eb raport me politikat publike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cDokumenti dhe pikat e tij ngjanin m\u00eb shum\u00eb me nj\u00eb udh\u00ebzues t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me materialet q\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahen n\u00eb retreat-et e kompanive p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar identitet organizativ, sesa me nj\u00eb dokument q\u00eb orienton politika publike\u201d, thekson ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Shteg.org u d\u00ebrgoi pyetje drejtuesit t\u00eb Grupit Parlamentar t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste, Taulant Balla, si edhe deputetes Elisa Spiropali, por deri n\u00eb publikimin e k\u00ebtij shkrimi, asnj\u00ebri prej tyre nuk zgjodhi t\u00eb komentoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Rilindja 2.0: A po \u201crishpiket\u201d Edi Rama?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cShqiptar\u00ebt do t\u00eb zgjedhin mes rr\u00ebnimit dhe Rilindjes\u201d ishte mbase nj\u00eb nga sloganet m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorura nga Edi Rama n\u00eb prag t\u00eb zgjedhjeve parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2013, me t\u00eb cilin premtonte nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl t\u00eb ri politik p\u00ebr vendin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tremb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb, Kryeministri duket se po u flet s\u00ebrish shqiptar\u00ebve p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fillim t\u00eb ri.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cRilindja 2.0 \u00ebsht\u00eb emri q\u00eb ne i vum\u00eb ciklit t\u00eb ri politik\u201d, tha Rama n\u00eb mbledhjen e Grupit Parlamentar t\u00eb 24 korrikut.<\/p>\n\n\n\n P\u00ebr ekspert\u00ebt, ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb ndryshim terminologjie, por nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb riformatuar narrativ\u00ebn politike n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kur qeverisja p\u00ebrballet me konsumimin e natyrsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pushtetit dhe me nj\u00eb klim\u00eb n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cEdi Rama ka treguar disa her\u00eb aft\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar narrativ\u00ebn politike dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb riformatuar debatin publik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, Rilindja 2.0 duket si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb hapur nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl t\u00eb ri politik\u201d, argumenton Lutfi Dervishi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Megjithat\u00eb, studiuesit mbeten skeptik\u00eb n\u00ebse nj\u00eb ndryshim i narrativ\u00ebs mjafton p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar besimin publik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cNd\u00ebrtimi i imazhit \u00ebsht\u00eb ankthi konstant i k\u00ebsaj qeverie, por nuk besoj se ka m\u00eb ndonj\u00eb efekt\u201d, thot\u00eb pedagogu K\u00eblli\u00e7i.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sipas tij, fuqia mobilizuese e konceptit t\u00eb \u201cRilindjes\u201d i ka ardhur n\u00eb ndihm\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste vet\u00ebm n\u00eb 2 mandatet e para, nd\u00ebrsa fitoren e dy zgjedhjeve t\u00eb tjera ai ia delegon \u201cinxhinieris\u00eb elektorale\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cGarancia m\u00eb e madhe e Rilindjes nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb imazhi, as rishpikja e narrativave. T\u00eb dyja kan\u00eb vdekur me zgjedhjet e vitit 2013 dhe 2017. Zgjedhjet e vitit 2021 dhe 2025 jan\u00eb kryek\u00ebput produkt i inxhinieris\u00eb elektorale, n\u00eb kuptimin e ligjit elektoral, p\u00ebrdorimit pa limit t\u00eb burimeve administrative dhe rolit t\u00eb aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb tret\u00eb, si krimi i organizuar dhe klientelizmi\u201d, argumenton ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sipas ekspert\u00ebve, \u00ebsht\u00eb konteksti politik ai q\u00eb e b\u00ebn edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb funksionimin e nj\u00eb narrative t\u00eb re. \u201cRevolucioni i Flamingove\u201d, q\u00eb vijon prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 60 dit\u00ebsh, sipas tyre, e ka tejkaluar prej koh\u00ebsh kund\u00ebrshtimin ndaj nj\u00eb projekti nd\u00ebrtimi n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojtur dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb platform\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsie ndaj m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb qeverisjes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cProtesta nuk ka mbetur m\u00eb vet\u00ebm te nj\u00eb resort apo nj\u00eb projekt, por \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar n\u00eb akuza p\u00ebr korrupsion, kapje t\u00eb shtetit dhe munges\u00eb llogaridh\u00ebnieje. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, nj\u00eb mark\u00eb e re politike nuk mjafton\u201d, thot\u00eb Dervishi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Publicisti \u00c7ipa argumenton se nj\u00eb imazh i ri po lind n\u00eb politik\u00ebn shqiptare, por ai nuk i p\u00ebrket m\u00eb pushtetit, por vet\u00eb protest\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cN\u00eb realitetin aktual politik t\u00eb vendit, me kontrastin e thell\u00eb mes imazhit t\u00eb protest\u00ebs dhe status quo-s\u00eb s\u00eb qeverisjes, po lind ose do t\u00eb lind\u00eb di\u00e7ka e re. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb profeci. N\u00eb 35 vite jet\u00eb mes Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe bot\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore, shoq\u00ebria shqiptare ka ndryshuar individ\u00ebt e saj\u201d, argumenton ai.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cBesa\u201d, \u201cPasqyra Flamingo\u201d dhe \u201cRilindja 2.0\u201d duket se jan\u00eb tre em\u00ebrtime t\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs p\u00ebrpjekje politike: rikthimi i nj\u00eb besimi t\u00eb konsumuar mes pushtetit dhe qytetarit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Por, nd\u00ebrsa ekspert\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se pushteti mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn flet, ata mbeten skeptik\u00eb n\u00ebse kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb edhe ndryshim i m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si ai qeveris.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Edi Rama ka treguar nd\u00ebr vite aft\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb riformuluar narrativ\u00ebn politike, por \u201cRevolucioni Flamingo\u201d, i cili prej 2 muajsh \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet i pamohuesh\u00ebm, e ka zhvendosur debatin p\u00ebrtej gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb komunikimit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ekspert\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se ai mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb l\u00ebkundur edhe balancat e sistemit. N\u00ebse deri dje protesta ishte objekti q\u00eb pushteti p\u00ebrpiqej ta shpjegonte, sot ajo duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb faktori q\u00eb po e detyron pushtetin t\u00eb rishkruaj\u00eb narrativ\u00ebn e vet.\/ Xhesika Tollia, shteg.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Kur viteve t\u00eb gjata n\u00eb pushtet, me konsumimin e pashmangsh\u00ebm q\u00eb ato sjellin, u shtohet edhe nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb nis t\u00eb shkund\u00eb pluhurin e apatis\u00eb s\u00eb grumbulluar prej dekadash, \u00e7do qeveri p\u00ebrballet me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn dilem\u00eb: t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si qeveris, ose t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si e rr\u00ebfen qeverisjen. Historia politike ka treguar se rruga […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2013,"featured_media":430126,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,5380,231,1454,235],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-430125","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-aktualitet","category-kryesore","category-lajme","category-politike","category-vendi"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/430125","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2013"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=430125"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/430125\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":430127,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/430125\/revisions\/430127"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/430126"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=430125"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=430125"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=430125"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}<\/figure>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"