Intervist\u00eb ekskluzive e Deutsche Welle-s me historianin zviceran, Oliver Jens Schmitt, p\u00ebr strukturat autoritare n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, munges\u00ebn e alternativave t\u00eb besueshme partiake dhe dilem\u00ebn e votuesit.<\/p>\n
Deutsche Welle<\/strong>:\u00a0Profesor Schmitt, ju po e ndiqni debatin aktual n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Dhe pyetje e dit\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb: T\u00eb votosh, apo t\u00eb mos votosh. \u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebnit ju, po t\u00eb ishit shqiptar?<\/em><\/p>\n Oliver Jens Schmitt:<\/strong>\u00a0Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Parimisht, si demokrat, un\u00eb do t\u00eb shkoja gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb votime, por situata aktuale, me vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb kandidat n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e bashkive, dhe me nj\u00eb bllokad\u00eb institucionale, si edhe me p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn nga e kaluara, se\u00a0zgjedhjet nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb thuajse kurr\u00eb korrekte, e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur p\u00ebrgjigjen ndaj k\u00ebsaj pyetjeje.<\/p>\n Ju parashikoni,\u00a0pra\u00a0se edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje do t\u00eb ket\u00eb manipulime?<\/em><\/p>\n Un\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj parashikime. Por duke par\u00eb se si jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb zgjedhjet n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, sesi\u00a0shumica e tyre kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shum\u00eb problematike, at\u00ebher\u00eb mendoj se \u00e7do shqiptar mund t\u00eb pyes veten se a mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb besim te institucionet, e kjo pavar\u00ebsisht nga partia n\u00eb qeveri.<\/p>\n Opozita pik\u00ebrisht me k\u00ebt\u00eb argument nuk merr pjes\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje. Pra, jeni n\u00eb nj\u00eb mendje me t\u00eb?<\/em><\/p>\n Un\u00eb nuk do ta vija asnj\u00ebher\u00eb veten as n\u00eb an\u00ebn e opozit\u00ebs e as n\u00eb an\u00ebn e qeveris\u00eb. Sepse fakti q\u00eb opozita shqiptare \u00ebsht\u00eb kaq e dob\u00ebt, ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb edhe me besueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb ul\u00ebt. Opozita shqiptare, pra, s\u00eb paku, Partia Demokratike, nuk ka alternativ\u00eb\u00a0thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb qenit kund\u00ebr socialist\u00ebve. Nuk kemi nj\u00eb gar\u00eb programesh ose idesh, por kemi nj\u00eb betej\u00eb p\u00ebr burimet dhe kontrollin mbi to. Un\u00eb i shoh t\u00eb dyja me skepticiz\u00ebm, si opozit\u00ebn ashtu edhe pozit\u00ebn. Sigurisht q\u00eb opozita e tanishme mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, kur thot\u00eb se qeveria aktuale \u00ebsht\u00eb autoritariste dhe se zgjedhjet po zhvillohen n\u00eb kushte problematike, por edhe Partia Demokratike ka p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi\u00a0p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb kultur\u00eb politike t\u00eb krijuar gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre 30 vjet\u00ebve.<\/p>\n Edi Rama dhe shum\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb pozit\u00ebs thon\u00eb se opozita e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb bojkotim\u00a0vet\u00ebm se krer\u00ebt e saj jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhur me krimin dhe duan t\u00eb shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu nga d\u00ebnimet e strukturave\u00a0antikorrupsion q\u00eb po ngrihen n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb reform\u00ebs s\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. E besoni ju k\u00ebt\u00eb argument?<\/em><\/p>\n Jo. Ky nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb argument. Edhe n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e Partis\u00eb Socialiste ka mjaft njer\u00ebz q\u00eb do t\u00eb d\u00ebnoheshin, n\u00ebse do t\u00eb funksiononte drejt\u00ebsia. Q\u00eb debati politik nuk b\u00ebhet n\u00eb parlament, por n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb tradit\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Kjo po ndodh tash e 30 vjet. Qeveria nuk ka ndonj\u00eb legjitimitet t\u00eb madh n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, sepse as ajo nuk e lufton seriozisht krimin e organizuar dhe korrupsionin, por nuk besoj se k\u00ebt\u00eb legjitimitet e ka opozita, pra, Partia Demokratike.<\/p>\n Aktualisht kryeministri Edi Rama ka hapur nj\u00eb front tjet\u00ebr beteje,\u00a0kund\u00ebr kryekorrespondentit t\u00eb gazet\u00ebs \u201cBild\u201d, Peter Tiede. Ai e akuzon at\u00eb si veg\u00ebl t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, dhe k\u00ebrkon ta padis\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebtu n\u00eb Gjermani shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz jan\u00eb habitur me k\u00ebt\u00eb interesim t\u00eb rritur t\u00eb gazet\u00ebs \u201cBild\u201d p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Cili \u00ebsht\u00eb mendimi juaj?\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n Lidhja e politik\u00ebs me krimin e organizuar \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem real, pavar\u00ebsisht se si duhen interpretuar p\u00ebrgjimet e publikuara. Ky bashk\u00ebpunim mes partive dhe krimit t\u00eb organizuar ekziston, dhe nuk ka kuptim q\u00eb t\u00eb trajtohet duke sulmuar median q\u00eb shkruan p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Kush e merr seriozisht luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr lidhjeve t\u00eb krimit t\u00eb organizuar me politik\u00ebn, nuk sulmon mediat, por ngarkon policin\u00eb dhe drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb ta hetoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje.<\/p>\n Pra, ju nuk keni mir\u00ebkuptim p\u00ebr aksionin e Ram\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb paditur gazetarin e gazet\u00ebs Bild?<\/em><\/p>\n Un\u00eb besoj se do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb mir\u00eb sikur ai t\u00eb luftonte me forc\u00eb lidhjet nd\u00ebrmjet trafikut t\u00eb drog\u00ebs dhe politik\u00ebs se sa t\u00eb merrej me median q\u00eb informoi p\u00ebr k\u00ebto lidhje. Qeveria shqiptare \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb arrogante ndaj medias. Ajo do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte mir\u00eb t\u00eb shtronte pyetjen se sa t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta jan\u00eb k\u00ebto akuza, dhe t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrpiqej t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapte teori konspiracioniste. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb Edi Rama sulmon gazetar\u00eb t\u00eb huaj.<\/p>\n Ju jeni shum\u00eb kritik ndaj qeverisjes s\u00eb Edi Ram\u00ebs. Nd\u00ebrsa nga zyrtar\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb dhe evropian\u00eb d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb thuajse vet\u00ebm l\u00ebvdata. Si shpjegohet kjo?<\/em><\/p>\n Kjo ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, me munges\u00ebn e njohurive p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn tejet kreative t\u00eb prezantimit t\u00eb Edi Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb per\u00ebndim, si artist dhe nj\u00ebherazi kryeminist\u00ebr. Shum\u00eb gazetar\u00eb n\u00eb per\u00ebndim i besojn\u00eb me naivitet k\u00ebtij iluzioni se nj\u00eb artist i mir\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe kryeminist\u00ebr i mir\u00eb. N\u00eb nivelin politik, k\u00ebtu kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me fenomenin e stabilokracis\u00eb, t\u00eb cilin e shohim edhe n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rajonit, si Serbi e Mal t\u00eb Zi. P\u00ebr per\u00ebndimin k\u00ebto vende jan\u00eb garante t\u00eb stabilitetit, dhe\u00a0si kompensim, per\u00ebndimi nuk p\u00ebrzihet n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e tyre t\u00eb brendshme. Qytetar\u00ebt e k\u00ebtyre vendeve duan nj\u00eb jet\u00eb normale q\u00eb t\u00eb\u00a0mos largohen nga vendi. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem fondamental, q\u00eb per\u00ebndimi nuk nd\u00ebrhyn as p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur vlerat demokratike.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb nga l\u00ebvdatat kryesore q\u00eb merr Edi Rama n\u00eb per\u00ebndim ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me procesin e vettingut. Por ky proces ka paralizuar gjyq\u00ebsorin. Mbi 31 mij\u00eb dosje\u00a0kan\u00eb mbetur t\u00eb patrajtuara n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn e Lart\u00eb. A ka kuptim t\u00eb l\u00ebvdohet kaq shum\u00eb vettingu n\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte?<\/em><\/p>\n Ideja ishte e mir\u00eb, sepse, q\u00eb vendi t\u00eb zhvillohet e t\u00eb ket\u00eb investime t\u00eb huaja, i nevojitet nj\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsor i fort\u00eb dhe funksionues. Por fakti q\u00eb tani kaq shum\u00eb gjyqtar\u00eb dhe prokuror\u00eb jan\u00eb skualifikuar, pa u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar me t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, e ka paralizuar sistemin. Por prap\u00eb mendoj se alternativa, pra, mosb\u00ebrja e vettingut, do t\u00eb ishte e d\u00ebmshme. Edhe pse, tani ndodhemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb qorrsokak.<\/p>\n Si mendoni se mund t\u00eb dilet prej k\u00ebtij qorrsokaku?<\/em><\/p>\n Me lustrime mund t\u00eb zgjidhen disa raste t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe t\u00eb dalin nga loja disa persona t\u00eb korruptuar, por kjo nuk sjell automatikisht njer\u00ebz q\u00eb do t\u2019i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb ata. Mendoj se p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb nevojiten njer\u00ebz q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm vullnetarisht t\u00eb angazhohen p\u00ebr shtetin ligjor, qoft\u00eb edhe duke b\u00ebr\u00eb sakrifica. N\u00eb Rumani, p\u00ebr shembull, ka pasur t\u00eb till\u00eb, gjyqtar\u00eb dhe prokuror\u00eb, q\u00eb, duke formuar nj\u00eb grup kompakt dhe t\u00eb vendosur brenda institucionit, ushtruan nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb transformimin institucional t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n Koh\u00ebt e fundit, parlamenti shqiptar ka marr\u00eb dy vendime q\u00eb kan\u00eb ngjallur shum\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi te nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e intelektual\u00ebve: Caktimin e Sk\u00ebnder Gjinushit n\u00eb krye t\u00eb Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb Shkencave dhe kufizimin e objektit t\u00eb studimit t\u00eb Institutit p\u00ebr Studimin e Krimeve t\u00eb Komunizmit n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e pasluft\u00ebs. Si i komentoni ju k\u00ebto dy vendime?<\/em><\/p>\n Mjerisht, k\u00ebto dy raste jan\u00eb tipike. Q\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb Shkencave caktohet pik\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb person q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb minist\u00ebr n\u00eb komuniz\u00ebm, kjo tregon se Shqip\u00ebria ka nisur udh\u00ebtimin drejt s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj ky em\u00ebrim bie ndesh edhe me Ligjin e Akademis\u00eb q\u00eb nuk lejon zgjedhjen e personave t\u00eb jet\u00ebs politike. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj lind pyetja, se cili ka qen\u00eb kontributi i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb shkencor i personit n\u00eb fjal\u00eb n\u00eb vitet e\u00a0fundit q\u00eb do t\u00eb arsyetonte em\u00ebrimin e tij n\u00eb krye t\u00eb Akademis\u00eb. Kjo nuk e ndihmon as reformimin e Akademis\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se i nevojsh\u00ebm, sepse Shqip\u00ebria nga ana shkencore \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e dob\u00ebt. Edhe dalja e tij e par\u00eb n\u00eb media d\u00ebshmoi se ai ka nj\u00eb koncept shum\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar p\u00ebr median e lir\u00eb.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr t\u00eb dytin mund t\u00eb them se \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka e tmerrshme. Shqip\u00ebria ka pasur nj\u00eb nga regjimet m\u00eb kriminale t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, ka pasur kampe d\u00ebnimi deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e fundit t\u00eb regjimit ku kan\u00eb vuajtur mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz. Ne kemi n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri situata ku komandant\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre kampeve dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs t\u00eb aparatit shtyp\u00ebs, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb l\u00ebvizin t\u00eb lir\u00eb, por, p\u00ebrkundrazi, p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb edhe pensione t\u00eb larta, ku viktimat e regjimit intimidohen, edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite, dhe madje haptazi. Pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e njoh nga asnj\u00eb vend tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. N\u00ebse qeveria pengon trajtimin kritik t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs, mund t\u00eb them, se nuk e ka kuptuar aspak se si krijohet nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri demokratike. Dhe nuk ka aspak interes ta m\u00ebsoj\u00eb. Un\u00eb si historian solidarizohem shum\u00eb edhe me viktimat e regjimit. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sjellje\u00a0 m\u00eb se absurde dhe krejt e papranueshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian dhe n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me t\u00eb gjitha rregullat e shoq\u00ebrive demokratike.<\/p>\n Ju thoni, q\u00eb k\u00ebto dy vendime jan\u00eb tipike. \u00c7far\u00eb keni parasysh me k\u00ebt\u00eb?<\/em><\/p>\n Kur them se jan\u00eb tipike, kam parasysh se prej disa vitesh po krijohen struktura autoritare\u00a0 \u2013 n\u00eb rastin e PS edhe duke rehabilituar sistemin enverist dhe duke mohuar ose minimizuar krimet e tij. Por tendencat autoritare nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm me qeverin\u00eb aktuale, nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet se Partia Demokratike nuk ka qen\u00eb autoritare, edhe ata e kan\u00eb instrumentalizuar historin\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje partiake. Dhe t\u00eb dyja partit\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb pasur interes q\u00eb intelektual\u00eb kritik\u00eb t\u00eb merreshin me temat e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. Arkivat u hap\u00ebn shum\u00eb von\u00eb, arkivat, pas gjase, jan\u00eb ndryshuar shum\u00eb, \u2013 duhet pasur shum\u00eb kujdes kur punon me to. M\u00ebnyra se si po merret qeveria me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn komuniste \u2013 dhe socialist\u00ebt jan\u00eb partia pasardh\u00ebse e Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs \u2013jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb pengon nj\u00eb debat t\u00eb hapur dhe kritik, por synon harrimin e krimeve komuniste dhe idealizimin e regjimit enverist. Por problemet, prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebs shoq\u00ebria shqiptare vuan ende edhe sot, u shkaktuan nga sundimi komunist dhe vazhdim\u00ebsia e tij n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e tranzicionit. Strategjia e qeveris\u00eb aktuale sigurisht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i bindur qytetar\u00ebt ta shohin t\u00eb ardhmen n\u00eb vendin e tyre.<\/p>\n N\u00ebse ju thoni, asnj\u00ebra nga partit\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e besueshme, at\u00ebher\u00eb kujt duhet t\u2019u besojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt, n\u00ebse jo partive t\u00eb tyre?<\/em><\/p>\n Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem specifik shqiptar, por vihet re n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb rajonin. Protesta studentore, si ato n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ka edhe n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rajonit, n\u00eb Serbi, n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi, madje edhe n\u00eb vende an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, si n\u00eb Rumani, Hungari, Bullgari. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto vende sistemi parlamentar me partit\u00eb ekzistuese nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson vullnetin e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. Dhe kjo \u00e7on n\u00eb nj\u00eb bllokad\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb sistemit demokratik. N\u00eb Rumani tani ka nisur t\u00eb formohet krejt papritur nj\u00eb parti proper\u00ebndimore opozitare, e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ende e q\u00ebndrueshme. Edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ka pasur p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb ngjashme me l\u00ebvizje qytetare, por prej tyre nuk dol\u00ebn asnj\u00ebher\u00eb parti t\u00eb forta.<\/p>\n Meq\u00eb ju p\u00ebrmend\u00ebt Rumanin\u00eb, para ca koh\u00ebsh ju keni shkruar nj\u00eb artikull p\u00ebr rolin e diaspor\u00ebs n\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit n\u00eb Rumani. Mendoni se edhe diaspora shqiptare mund t\u00eb jap\u00eb nj\u00eb ndihmes\u00eb n\u00eb zgjidhjen afatgjate t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri?<\/em><\/p>\n Un\u00eb mendoj se ka dy tipa diaspore. Kemi rastin klasik, ku diaspora \u00ebsht\u00eb konservatore, nacionale dhe autoritare, dhe rastin shum\u00eb t\u00eb rrall\u00eb, ku diaspora n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme q\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohet p\u00ebr implementimin e vlerave t\u00eb vendeve ku jeton. N\u00eb diaspor\u00ebn shqiptare ka shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb men\u00e7ur dhe t\u00eb angazhuar, por kjo energji nuk mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb pun\u00eb parlamentare, n\u00ebse diaspora nuk ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb jap\u00eb vot\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb vendet ku jeton. N\u00eb rastin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb duhet ndryshuar ligji zgjedhor, por kjo p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb mungon vullneti politik.<\/p>\n Oliver Jens Schmitt \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i historis\u00eb s\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Universitetin e Vjen\u00ebs dhe nj\u00eb njoh\u00ebsit m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Schmitt \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar i rregullt i Akademis\u00eb Austriake t\u00eb Shkencave dhe an\u00ebtar nderi i Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb Shkencave t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ka botuar nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb librash p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebn, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, edhe librin Sk\u00ebnderbeu (2009), vep\u00ebr e cila shkaktoi debate shum\u00eb t\u00eb ashpra n\u00eb opinionin shqiptar.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Intervist\u00eb ekskluzive e Deutsche Welle-s me historianin zviceran, Oliver Jens Schmitt, p\u00ebr strukturat autoritare n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, munges\u00ebn e alternativave t\u00eb besueshme partiake dhe dilem\u00ebn e votuesit. Deutsche Welle:\u00a0Profesor Schmitt, ju po e ndiqni debatin aktual n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Dhe pyetje e dit\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb: T\u00eb votosh, apo t\u00eb mos votosh. \u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebnit ju, po t\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2013,"featured_media":88765,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,235],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-92751","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/92751","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2013"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=92751"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/92751\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/88765"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=92751"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=92751"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=92751"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}