{"id":237643,"date":"2022-02-17T16:02:10","date_gmt":"2022-02-17T15:02:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/?p=237643"},"modified":"2022-02-17T16:02:10","modified_gmt":"2022-02-17T15:02:10","slug":"cosa-nostra-dhe-ceshtja-jone-nga-gelanda-shkurtaj","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/cosa-nostra-dhe-ceshtja-jone-nga-gelanda-shkurtaj\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cCosa Nostra\u201d dhe \u201c\u00c7\u00ebshtja Jon\u00eb\u201d \u2013 Nga Gelanda SHKURTAJ"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>NGA GELANDA SHKURTAJ<\/p>\n<p>Ish-shok\u00ebt e f\u00ebmij\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb lu anin futboll n\u00eb lagjet popullore t\u00eb Palermos, Giovanni Falcone dhe Paolo Borsellino, trajektorja e fatit i takoi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb fundvitet \u201870, si koleg\u00eb t\u00eb futur n\u00eb karrier\u00ebn e magjistratur\u00ebs. Ata, tanim\u00eb dy nga gjyqtar\u00ebt m\u00eb kurajoz\u00eb t\u00eb epok\u00ebs son\u00eb, n\u00eb pakt t\u00eb past\u00ebr me vdekjen q\u00eb i kishte stigmatizuar \u201csi kadavra t\u00eb gjalla\u201d, zhvilluan nj\u00eb nga proceset penale m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb Italis\u00eb, at\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit kund\u00ebr mafies.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00eb dy bij\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb toke sa madh\u00ebshtore, po aq t\u00eb mallkuar, Si\u00e7ilis\u00eb, p\u00ebr sa e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn diktatin e nj\u00eb prej pushteteve m\u00eb t\u00eb pakontrolluara nga nj\u00eb lidhje mafioze q\u00eb quhet \u201cCosa Nostra\u201d. Kjo e fundit, ndryshe nga sa pritej n\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebn e t\u00eb shumt\u00ebve, se duhej t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb e drejtuar nga burra me kravata dhe diploma t\u00eb marra n\u00eb universitete prestigjioze, ishte nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb tip komando militare me nj\u00eb ushtri terreni dhe rezervist\u00ebsh t\u00eb besuarish (uomini d\u2019onore), q\u00eb drejtohej nga nj\u00eb i lindur n\u00eb Corleone, klasa 1931, pa arsim, i mbiquajtur \u201cu curtu\u201d (i shkurtri) dhe i pag\u00ebzuar me emrin Salvatore Riina.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo organizat\u00eb kontrollonte nj\u00eb xhiro afaresh prej miliarda lirash n\u00eb investime bankare, pastrim parash, tenderime publike si dhe menaxhimin e p\u00ebrpunimit t\u00eb mbeturinave. N\u00eb vitet \u201886-\u201887, magjistrat\u00ebt Falcone dhe Borsellino nxor\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara gjyqit n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga sallat e n\u00ebndheshme t\u00eb pallatit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb rreth kat\u00ebrqind mafioz\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve u lan\u00eb pas hekurave me burgim t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetsh\u00ebm, midis tyre edhe t\u00eb paprekshmit dhe t\u00eb pand\u00ebshkueshmit Toto\u2019 Rinna dhe Bernardo Provenzano, t\u00eb gjykuar n\u00eb munges\u00eb, sepse t\u00eb larguar n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb paditur. Dy magjistrat\u00ebt dhan\u00eb goditjen m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb mafia kishte par\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, rr\u00ebzuan mitin e pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb saj q\u00eb kishte kapluar Italin\u00eb prej vitesh dhe, s\u00eb fundi treguan se shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dhe i vet\u00ebm. Sipas Falcones, \u201cn\u00ebse mafia duke vrar\u00eb mbylli pes\u00eb goj\u00eb, ajo b\u00ebri q\u00eb t\u00eb hapen pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb milion\u00eb t\u00eb tjera\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb shteti e mundi mafien, e cila pa dyshim nuk u zhduk, por u reformua pa luftuar apo shantazhuar drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti strukturat shtet\u00ebrore sikund\u00ebr kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Toto\u2019 Riina, i cili ishte n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim nga drejt\u00ebsia prej dekadash, u kap nj\u00eb vit pas atentateve q\u00eb iu b\u00ebn\u00eb Falcone-s dhe Borsellinos, edhe pse \u201cdrejtimi\u201d i tij nuk kish qen\u00eb aq i paditur, p\u00ebr sa jetonte n\u00eb vil\u00ebn bunker n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Palermos. Ai kaloi gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebn e mbetur deri n\u00eb vdekje n\u00eb vitin 2017, n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga regjimet m\u00eb t\u00eb ashpra t\u00eb ekzekutimit t\u00eb d\u00ebnimit, 41-bis sipas kodit procedural italian. Partnerit t\u00eb tij Provenzano i thirrur n\u00eb dialekt (binnu u tratturi), sepse shtypte viktimat duke iu kaluar traktorin sip\u00ebr, nuk i mjaftoi as plastika e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb fytyr\u00eb n\u00eb klinikat zvicerane p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrruar identitetin, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb edhe i mbiquajturi \u201ckapo i kapove\u201d pas Riin\u00ebs kaloi pjes\u00ebn e mbetur t\u00eb jet\u00ebs n\u00eb burg. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull se edhe t\u00eb paprekshmit, kur shteti do, e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb fund (!).<\/p>\n<p>SI VEPRON MAFIA?<\/p>\n<p>Historia e mafies m\u00ebson se ajo p\u00ebrve\u00e7 organizimit me nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb ushtarake, karakterizohet nga nj\u00eb \u201ckod\u201d sjelljeje, ka gjuh\u00ebn e saj, si edhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb vepruarit n\u00eb territor. Kodi k\u00ebrkon respektimin e dy parimeve t\u00eb patjet\u00ebrsueshme, me kusht eliminimin fizik t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb e shkelin apo edhe t\u00eb familjar\u00ebve t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb a t\u00eb larg\u00ebt qofshin, duke shkuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb deri n\u00eb grad\u00ebn e nj\u00ebzet\u00eb t\u00eb lidhjes s\u00eb gjakut. Ato jan\u00eb \u201clidhja ndaj kauz\u00ebs\u201d (vincolo associativo) dhe \u201cheshtja\u201d (omerta\u2019). Kjo e fundit k\u00ebrkon moskall\u00ebzimin e personave t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb ngjarje kriminale, n\u00ebse kapet dhe procedohet nj\u00ebri prej an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb organizat\u00ebs. Ky duhet t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb goj\u00ebmbyllur ose n\u00eb rast se nuk vepron k\u00ebshtu, mafia paralajm\u00ebron, ajo d\u00ebrgon mesazhe me nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb kriptuar, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e organizat\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb af\u00ebrmit e tyre e lexojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb perfekte.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebse heshtja thyhet, pasojat dihen, Tommaso Busceta, bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtori i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, p\u00ebrjetoi mbytjen e dy prej f\u00ebmij\u00ebve t\u00eb tij e disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb djegien e tyre n\u00eb acid. N\u00eb lidhje me veprimet n\u00eb territor, n\u00eb nj\u00ebrin aspekt ajo sillet si p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsja e t\u00eb dob\u00ebt\u00ebve dhe k\u00ebrkon gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e dashur dhe e pranuar n\u00eb syt\u00eb e komunitetit. N\u00eb kahun tjet\u00eb,r mafia tanim\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb rivalja ku vrasjet ndodhin r\u00ebndom p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cpizzo\u201d apo \u201ctangente\u201d (gjoba bizneseve). Ajo prej dekadash \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebse e fuqishme me investime publike dhe n\u00eb sponsorizimin me futjen dhe inkurajimin e eksponent\u00ebve t\u00eb saj n\u00eb strukturat e partive politike. Par\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, mafia ka sofistikuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e sjelljes dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e nxjerrjes s\u00eb fitimeve.<\/p>\n<p>A KA MAFIE N\u00cb SHQIP\u00cbRI?<\/p>\n<p>Pyetjes n\u00ebse n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ekziston nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb mafioze, p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket nj\u00eb grupimi organizativ ndofta nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb evidentuar nj\u00eb rast analog, pasi m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kriminaliteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ngritur mbi grupime p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur fitime direkte dhe jo zona influence klanore. Kjo, sigurisht nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara, p\u00ebrkundrazi rruga q\u00eb ai \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ndjekur \u00ebsht\u00eb tregues i hapave t\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr t\u00eb stabilizuar n\u00eb vijim struktura m\u00eb t\u00eb forta me nj\u00eb organizim t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb t\u00eb \u201ccosa nostra-s\u201d. N\u00eb lidhje me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e veprimit n\u00eb territor dhe kodin e heshtjes, rastet jan\u00eb bollsh\u00ebm evidente dhe kok\u00ebforta p\u00ebr t\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar paralelizmin dhe spekulimin e nj\u00eb \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtjes son\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb shqiptare aferat e kultivimit t\u00eb l\u00ebnd\u00ebve narkotike, trafikun e tyre nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, kapjen dhe heshtjen e shum\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb to me ndonj\u00eb syresh edhe pjes\u00eb drejtuese t\u00eb strukturave publike. Po ashtu, nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e fabrikave q\u00eb p\u00ebrpunojn\u00eb dhe djegin mbetjet urbane, gj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ka akuza po me drejtues t\u00eb strukturave publike. Pastrimi i parave \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarrje e dukshme, p\u00ebr aq sa n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend ku paga minimale vlen \u00e7erekun e metrit katror n\u00eb nj\u00eb lagje periferike t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs dhe nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb vijon nd\u00ebrtimi i pasurive t\u00eb paluajtshme pa pasur fuqi bler\u00ebse. Po ashtu, tregues jan\u00eb prokurimet publike, ku nj\u00eb tender p\u00ebr sh\u00ebrbim dialize nxjerr fitues nj\u00eb kafene lagjeje, dhe ku pyetja se \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb lidh dializ\u00ebn me kafen\u00eb, gjen t\u00eb vetmen lidhje shkak\u00ebsore tek efekti i menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm diuretik i k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit, tjet\u00ebr arsye nuk ka.<\/p>\n<p>Por, ajo \u00e7ka e b\u00ebn t\u00eb ndryshme m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e veprimit midis \u201ccosa nostra-s\u201d dhe \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtja jon\u00eb\u201d, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se kjo e fundit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e pavarur, e cila terrorizon shtetin dhe aktivitetin e tij politik-ekonomik. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn deri m\u00eb sot nuk ka nj\u00eb ballafaqim me prova t\u00eb k\u00ebtij fakti. Po ashtu, n\u00eb ndryshim nga \u201ccosa nostra\u201d, e cila n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e saj shekullore nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr objektivat e saj kryesore ka kapjen e shtetit dhe t\u00eb strukturave t\u00eb tij, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri n\u00eb fakt duket sikur ndodh e kund\u00ebrta. Shteti postdiktatorial, me iden\u00eb e monopolit edhe mbi pronat publike, k\u00ebrkon mb\u00ebshtetjen e pse t\u00eb mos themi promovon ngjizjen e strukturave, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrdorin parat\u00eb publike n\u00eb aktivitete t\u00eb paligjshme, duke ndar\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e fitimit me pushtetar\u00ebt e korruptuar.<\/p>\n<p>Pra, n\u00eb ndryshim nga \u201ccosa nostra\u201d ku kjo e fundit shantazhon shtetin n\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje, \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtja jon\u00eb\u201d ka partner shtetin me mundin e vet\u00ebm t\u00eb gjetjes s\u00eb struktur\u00ebs q\u00eb do e mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb n\u00eb afer\u00ebn korruptive t\u00eb radh\u00ebs. E th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebsh dallimin n\u00ebse shteti k\u00ebrkoi mafien apo mafia k\u00ebrkoi shtetin.<\/p>\n<p>CILI \u00cbSHT\u00cb MITI I T\u00cb PAPREKSHMIT N\u00cb SHQIP\u00cbRI?<\/p>\n<p>I papreksh\u00ebm historikisht n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ka qen\u00eb kryesisht individi i mbuluar me pushtet, qoft\u00eb nj\u00eb zyrtar publik apo qoft\u00eb nj\u00eb politikan karriere. Mosnd\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebria e k\u00ebtyre miteve shihet e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb disa plane argumentuese. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb interesin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos marr\u00eb kurr\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull nga substrakti i tyre, pasi do t\u00eb krijonte nj\u00eb precedent, n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb pandalsh\u00ebm. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, kjo bie ndesh edhe mbi interesin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, pasi historia tridhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7are ka treguar se karriera p\u00ebr shum\u00eb syresh \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur \u00e7\u00ebshtje personale ekonomike, jo politika publike.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb kahun tjet\u00ebr ka nj\u00eb interes t\u00eb elektoratit, i cili nd\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb nuk e sheh si nj\u00eb luft\u00eb ndaj t\u00eb keqes s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, por si nj\u00eb hakmarrje ndaj rivalit opozitar. N\u00eb dallim dhe krahasim me \u201ccosa nostran\u201d ku grupi i strukturuar kriminal ishte i natyr\u00ebs private, \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtja jon\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb me natyr\u00eb publike. Pasuria e shum\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve publik\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte elementi m\u00eb i pak\u00ebt, q\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do sistem drejt\u00ebsie do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngritur akuza ndaj korrupsionit t\u00eb tyre. Ka nj\u00eb prov\u00eb shum\u00eb her\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb, pa pasur nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr prokuror\u00eb idealist\u00eb apo vrasje mafioze, q\u00eb quhet mat\u00ebs i t\u00eb ardhurave. N\u00ebse pasuria e tyre nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb baras apo pak m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl se potenciali i dh\u00ebn\u00eb me pag\u00ebn q\u00eb kan\u00eb, madje duke iu ngritur gratis pag\u00ebn n\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb dhjet\u00eb, p\u00ebrgjigjja \u00ebsht\u00eb retorike. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vullnet shtet\u00ebror i munguar me dashje.<\/p>\n<p>Pyetjes utopike n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb prokuror q\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb mafioz\u00ebt e \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtjes son\u00eb\u201d, v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb shpres\u00eb, sepse mafia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb, por nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb pune e institucioneve publike postdiktatur\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb e strukturuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb form\u00eb, mafia mbetet nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb publike, e cila do t\u00eb qarkulloj\u00eb partit\u00eb politike, por jo \u201cm\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e t\u00eb vepruarit\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb do t\u00eb mbeten retorika t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura n\u00eb \u00e7do fushat\u00eb elektorale mesazhet e nd\u00ebrsjella p\u00ebr nd\u00ebshkime t\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb korruptuar. Tanim\u00eb fenomeni i kthyer n\u00eb mitin grotesk Ta\u00e7i-Na\u00e7i-Ba\u00e7i, nuk ka par\u00eb asnj\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuar nga drejt\u00ebsia shqiptare, p\u00ebrpos nj\u00eb shtr\u00ebngim t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve sapo ata q\u00eb i kan\u00eb akuzuar, vijn\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet.<\/p>\n<p>Miti i t\u00eb paprekshmit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb imazh ku interesi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur krah\u00ebt n\u00eb afera korruptive ka p\u00ebr em\u00ebrues t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt sintagm\u00ebn \u201cti mos m\u00eb prek sot dhe as un\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb prek nes\u00ebr\u201d. Mungesa e interesit p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuar afera korruptive, jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmia e gjall\u00eb e kodit t\u00eb heshtjes q\u00eb \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtja jon\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebrdor pa dallim kahu politik. Ndofta i vetmi moment kur do t\u00eb ket\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje mes bandash krah grupimeve t\u00eb interesit, do t\u00eb vij\u00eb nga nginja n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb q\u00eb do k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb garantimin dhe influenc\u00ebn e territoreve, por q\u00eb me sa duket kjo pik\u00eb ngopje nuk ka mb\u00ebrritur ende.<\/p>\n<p>Heshtja tanim\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ngritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb nivel institucional dhe kund\u00ebrshtare t\u00eb vetme ka thashethemnaj\u00ebn e portaleve dhe gjykat\u00ebn e bar-kafeneve. Deri m\u00eb tani, mitin e nd\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebris\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb arritur dhe n\u00eb fakt nuk duken as n\u00eb horizont, idealist\u00eb t\u00eb tipit Falcone-Borsellino n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Zgjidhja e vetme mbetet nj\u00eb \u201cdeux ex machina\u201d, q\u00eb si gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb huajt u kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb problemeve t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vendi me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e tyre (!).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>NGA GELANDA SHKURTAJ Ish-shok\u00ebt e f\u00ebmij\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb lu anin futboll n\u00eb lagjet popullore t\u00eb Palermos, Giovanni Falcone dhe Paolo Borsellino, trajektorja e fatit i takoi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb fundvitet \u201870, si koleg\u00eb t\u00eb futur n\u00eb karrier\u00ebn e magjistratur\u00ebs. Ata, tanim\u00eb dy nga gjyqtar\u00ebt m\u00eb kurajoz\u00eb t\u00eb epok\u00ebs son\u00eb, n\u00eb pakt t\u00eb past\u00ebr me vdekjen q\u00eb i [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2030,"featured_media":237645,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,3365,3366,5380],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-237643","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-analize","9":"category-koment","10":"category-kryesore"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/237643","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2030"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=237643"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/237643\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/237645"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=237643"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=237643"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=237643"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}