NGA ERMAL MULOSMANI<\/p>\n
Dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb hapur nj\u00eb debat p\u00ebr rolin e Fatos Nanos n\u00eb historin\u00eb politike t\u00eb vendit. Ky debat ka marr\u00eb shkak nga shtrimi urgjent i tij n\u00eb nj\u00eb prej spitaleve private t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs me nj\u00eb s\u00ebmundje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Fatos Nano \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebri prej emrave m\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb pluralizmit politik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Ai ishte emri i p\u00ebrzgjedhur nga elita komuniste e viteve \u201890, me n\u00eb krye Ramiz Alin\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb transformuar Partin\u00eb e Pun\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb politike konkuruese n\u00eb kushtet e nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb ri politik.<\/p>\n
Fatos Nano \u00ebsht\u00eb djali i Thanas Nanos, ish funksionar i lart\u00eb n\u00eb zyrat e propagand\u00ebs komuniste. Thanas Nano ishte 14 vjet Drejtor i ATSH-s\u00eb (Agjencia Telegrafike Shqiptare), 9 vjet Drejtor i Radio Tiran\u00ebs (1961-1970) dhe 6 vjet Drejtor i P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i Raditolevizionit Shqiptar (1971-77). Gjithsej, Thanas Nano drejtoi p\u00ebr 29 vjet organet kryesore t\u00eb propagand\u00ebs duke treguar zell e p\u00ebrkushtim dogmatik.<\/p>\n
Koha gjat\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs Thanas Nano sh\u00ebrbeu si Drejtor i RTSH-s\u00eb mbahet mend si m\u00eb e err\u00ebta e k\u00ebtij institucion (1971-1977). Ai drejtoi RTSH-n\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas Festivalit t\u00eb 11-t\u00eb, me dor\u00eb t\u00eb hekurt, p\u00ebr t\u00eb pastruar pasojat e parardh\u00ebsit liberal, Todi Lubonja.<\/p>\n
**<\/p>\n
Fatos Nano i ri, e fillon jet\u00ebn publike me ndikimin e pushtetit t\u00eb t\u00eb atit. Sapo mbaron Fakultetin Ekonomik, vet\u00ebm 27 vje\u00e7, fillon pun\u00ebn n\u00eb Institutin e Studimeve Marksiste Leniniste, nj\u00eb prej \u201cvendeve t\u00eb p\u00ebllumbave\u201d t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, q\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqej nga vet\u00eb bashk\u00ebshortja e Enver Hoxh\u00ebs, Nexhmija.<\/p>\n
Por krejt ndryshe nga i ati dogmatik, te Fatosi shquhej menj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb frym\u00eb liberalizmi modern. M\u00eb shum\u00eb se liberal, Nanos s\u00eb asaj kohe i p\u00eblqente t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb lloj \u201cdendy\u201d(kuller) i ri tavolinash; at\u00eb e t\u00ebrhiqte sharmi rinor i rebelit por pa c\u00ebnuar aspak t\u00eb mirat q\u00eb i vinin nga trash\u00ebgimia dogmatike.<\/p>\n
Fatos Nanon n\u00eb vitin \u201890 ishte nj\u00eb em\u00ebr pothuaj i panjohur n\u00eb elit\u00ebn politike e aq m\u00eb pak p\u00ebr at\u00eb publike t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Ai ishte nj\u00eb “Demk\u00eb” q\u00eb thurte fjalime shefash komunist\u00eb apo mbronte doktrina ekonomike t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar favoret e nj\u00eb jete plot favore e pa andralla.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, ambicia politike dhe d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr protagoniz\u00ebm flinte brenda tij. Kur Ramiz Alia e thirri nga hi\u00e7i p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar Adil \u00c7ar\u00e7anin, Kryeministrin e fundit komunist, Nano duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nuhatur arom\u00ebn josh\u00ebse t\u00eb nj\u00eb pushteti t\u00eb lakmuesh\u00ebm. Me kurajo t\u00eb madhe pranoi t\u00eb jet\u00eb Kryeministri q\u00eb do t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb vendin n\u00eb zgjedhjet e para pluraliste t\u00eb vitit 1991. Ato zgjedhje, q\u00eb i fituan komunist\u00ebt, duket i siguruan Kryeministrit t\u00eb ri Karrigen e lart\u00eb t\u00eb Kryetarit t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste. Ramiz Alia u bind q\u00eb kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb zgjedhjen e duhur nga ajo periudh\u00eb qeverisjeje 100 ditore.<\/p>\n
Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Fatos Nano e pagoi me \u00e7mim fort t\u00eb lart\u00eb ato dit\u00eb t\u00eb pakta qeverisjeje. Pushteti i fituar n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 1991 nuk zgjat shum\u00eb dhe revanshi i kund\u00ebrshatr\u00ebve politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i plot\u00eb. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e 22 Marsit 1992, pushteti politik kalon plot\u00ebsisht n\u00eb duart e demokrat\u00ebve t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Sali Berisha. Ky moment sh\u00ebnon edhe fillimin e nj\u00eb dikotomie politike 13 vje\u00e7are Nano-Berisha.<\/p>\n
Nano u akuzua se gjat\u00eb atyre 100 dit\u00ebve t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb tij, me fondin e ndihmave t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb italiane, kishte shkelur procedur\u00ebn e blerjes s\u00eb mallrave duke diktuar firm\u00ebn ku do t\u00eb bliheshin k\u00ebto mallra. Sipas akuz\u00ebs, firma \u201cLevante Company\u201d, nj\u00eb kompani italo-jugosllave ishte sjell\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nga Ajdin Sejdia, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i Iliria Holding dhe i akuzuar nga demokrat\u00ebt p\u00ebr favore nga Nano dhe Farudin Hoxha.<\/p>\n
Perceptimi publik i koh\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb se po pregatitej arrestimi politik i kund\u00ebrshtarit. Fatos Nano do t\u00eb arrestohej n\u00eb zyr\u00ebn e prokurorit Fatos Dervishi m\u00eb 30 Korrik 1993.<\/p>\n
Burgosja e Nanos e kthen at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb hero te mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kthese e fort\u00eb n\u00eb kurb\u00ebn politike t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste. Aso kohe b\u00ebn\u00eb buj\u00eb batutat e tij me Prokurorin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes kur i thoshte: \u201cDo t\u00eb takohemi shpejt kur t\u00eb jem Kryeminist\u00ebr\u201d.<\/p>\n
Por kjo dat\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb ishte edhe aq e af\u00ebrt. Nano do t\u00eb d\u00ebnohej me 12 vjet burg m\u00eb 3 Prill 1994.<\/p>\n
Fatos Nano e l\u00eb qelin\u00eb e burgut t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs n\u00eb ngjarjet shkat\u00ebrrimtare t\u00eb Marsit 1997 pas nj\u00eb amnistie politike q\u00eb pushteti i brisht\u00eb i Berish\u00ebs b\u00ebri pas presionit opozitar dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n
Ai u rikthye triumfator dhe lider i padiskutuesh\u00ebm i vendit n\u00eb zgjedhjet e 1997-\u00ebs. Megjith\u00eb fitoren e thell\u00eb politike, Nano tregoi nj\u00eb zem\u00ebrgjer\u00ebsi t\u00eb papar\u00eb n\u00eb ndarjen e pushtetit me aleat\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik\u00eb. Pushteti i erdhi i plot\u00eb dhe pa kufizim por Nano dukej se nuk ishte i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr ta mbajtur. Jeta e gjat\u00eb e burgut e kishte lodhur shum\u00eb; ai nuk ishte n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb qeveriste nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga nj\u00eb luft\u00eb si ajo e 97-\u00ebs. Jetonte me delire t\u00eb tilla si:<\/p>\n
\u201c I vetmuar si n\u00eb burg nga lart\u00ebsit\u00eb morale dhe intelektuale prej ku e qeveris Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, i rrethuar nga pleshta e parazit\u00eb q\u00eb meritojn\u00eb tua mbyll \u00e7adr\u00ebn e t\u2019i l\u00eb n\u00eb shi\u201d<\/p>\n
(Edi Rama, Kurban, fq 137)<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb liberaliz\u00ebm shthur\u00ebs pushtoi administrat\u00ebn e asaj kohe. Kryeministri shpesh humbej e p\u00ebrhumbej n\u00eb sallone mondane e hotele luksi nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb vendi i tij ishte n\u00eb prag t\u00eb kaosit. Nano po paguante \u00ebndrrat e dit\u00ebve t\u00eb munguara me hara\u00e7in e qeverisjes s\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n
Vet\u00ebm dy-tre muaj nga fillimi i qeverisjes s\u00eb Nanos ndodh takimi i famsh\u00ebm Nano-Milloshevic n\u00eb Kret\u00eb, nj\u00eb nga vendimet m\u00eb t\u00eb kritikuara t\u00eb Kryeministrit. Mister do t\u00eb mbette n\u00ebse ai takim ishte i mb\u00ebshtetur nga aleat\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb apo ishte nj\u00eb vendim i pavaruar i Nanos.<\/p>\n
Ngjarja q\u00eb do t\u00eb sh\u00ebnonte fillimin e per\u00ebndimin politik t\u00eb yllit t\u00eb Fatos Nanos ishte padyshim vrasja e Azem Hajdarit. Njer\u00ebz me pushtet policor, t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore, ishin vras\u00ebsit e liderit t\u00eb L\u00ebvizjes Studentore. Q\u00ebndrimi i squll\u00ebt pas revolt\u00ebs s\u00eb dhunshme t\u00eb Opozit\u00ebs solli dor\u00ebzimin e pushtetit t\u00eb Nanos dhe bjerrjen e themeleve t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb tij brenda Partis\u00eb Socialiste. Rryma t\u00eb reja ishin t\u00eb gatshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonin.<\/p>\n
Nano del nga skena politike pa buj\u00eb dhe jep dor\u00ebheqje nga Kryetar i Partis\u00eb Socialiste.
\nU duk se ora e tij politike ndali s\u00eb rrahuri por duket se jeta n\u00eb hije pasi kishte provuar shk\u00eblqimin verbues t\u00eb dritave kryeministrore ishte e pap\u00ebrballueshme. Nj\u00eb vit pas dor\u00ebheqjes, n\u00eb vitin 1999, Nano arrin t\u00eb sfidoj\u00eb Kryeministrin n\u00eb fuqi Pandeli Majko n\u00eb gar\u00ebn p\u00ebr Kryetarin e Partis\u00eb Socialiste me vet\u00ebm 36 vota m\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Ky rezultat u arrit n\u00eb saj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes politike t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtarit m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb Nanos brenda Partis\u00eb. Aso kohe, Ilir Meta ishte z\u00ebvend\u00ebs i Majkos dhe n\u00eb dukje njeriu m\u00eb i af\u00ebrt i tij. Marr\u00ebveshja me Nanon e shp\u00ebrblen menj\u00ebher\u00eb me postin e Kryeministrit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Nano u rikthye por jo me lavdin\u00eb e para dy viteve. Mbret\u00ebrimi tani u takonte t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Ndaj Konti i Montekristos (si\u00e7 e quan Edi Rama n\u00eb librin Kurban) po pregatit rikthimin e plot\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tij tashm\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb grua e bukur, Xhoana. Rr\u00ebfimet e koh\u00ebs tregojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Nano t\u00eb shfrenuar emocionalisht dhe t\u00eb motivuar p\u00ebr revansh si asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Ethet e pushtetit t\u00eb ndihmuara edhe nga gabimet politike t\u00eb Kryeministrit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, Ilir Met\u00ebs, e shtyjn\u00eb Nanon n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen e njohur si \u201ckatharsis\u201d ku me nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb ther\u00ebse e vulgare p\u00ebr\u00e7mon an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e lart\u00eb t\u00eb kupol\u00ebs socialiste si t\u00eb ishin hajdut\u00ebt e Ali Bab\u00ebs.
\nNano nuk pyeste m\u00eb p\u00ebr kosto politike. Zgjedhjet e 2001-shit i kishin dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb fundit. Ai nuk mund ta humbte.<\/p>\n
M\u00eb mir\u00eb se askush tjet\u00ebr, k\u00ebt\u00eb dalldi t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgjegjshme Nano-pushtet e p\u00ebrshkruan Edi Rama me personazhin e Robert \u00c7am\u00e7ak\u00ebzit, nj\u00eb personazh i filmave t\u00eb soc realizmit. Ja sesi e shkruan k\u00ebt\u00eb moment Rama te \u201cKurbani\u201d i tij 14 vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb, n\u00eb 2011:<\/p>\n
\u201cN\u00ebse koha do t\u00eb kthehej mbrapsht nuk do ta kisha b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb at\u00eb batut\u00ebn e bujshme t\u00eb krahasimit t\u00eb Fatosit me Robert \u00c7am\u00e7ak\u00ebzin, dembelin me shfaqje t\u00eb huaja t\u00eb Portit t\u00eb Durr\u00ebsit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb film kult t\u00eb realizmit socialist p\u00ebr heroin e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore Adem Reka. E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se, p\u00ebr dreq, ai parazit simpatik q\u00eb rrumbullohej paq, fishk\u00ebllente k\u00ebng\u00eb t\u00eb huaja, shpotiste kalimtar\u00ebt dhe t\u00ebrhiqte mbi vete sa energjin\u00eb negative t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kantierit e sa interesimin e spektator\u00ebve ngjante p\u00ebr kiamet me Fatosin e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb katharsisit t\u00eb bubullimsh\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebr pijetoret e katundeve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, ku Kryetari i Partis\u00eb Socialiste i vuri kazm\u00ebn jo vet\u00ebm Qeveris\u00eb Socialsite t\u00eb Ilir Met\u00ebs, as edhe Partis\u00eb q\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqte, por m\u00eb thell\u00eb akoma, themeleve morale dhe etike t\u00eb debatit politik e shoq\u00ebror n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend”.
\n(Edi rama, Kurban, fq 62)<\/p>\n
Pasoj\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb Katharsisit ishte rr\u00ebzimi i Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Ilir Met\u00ebs dhe ardhja n\u00eb fuqi p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00eb e Fatos Nanos!<\/p>\n
Qeverisja e viteve 2002-2005 mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e pap\u00ebrgjegjshmja n\u00eb historin\u00eb moderne t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Nano nuk kishte aspak m\u00eb synim afirmimin e unit politik p\u00ebrmes ndryshimeve pozitive n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e vendit a t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve por vet\u00ebm afirmimin e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb ushtruar mbi njer\u00ebzit, sidomos mbi njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqte, ndaj t\u00eb cil\u00ebve ndihej shpesh si nj\u00eb diell fatkeq q\u00eb u kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka, jet\u00eb, drit\u00eb, pun\u00eb,
\n\u201cca qenieve q\u00eb nuk e meritonin at\u00eb mbi krye\u201d. Rikthimi I pabesuesh\u00ebm i Sali Berish\u00ebs pas gjith\u00eb ngjarjeve t\u00eb 97-\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e drejp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb e qeverisjes s\u00eb tmerrshme t\u00eb atyre viteve nga Fatos Nano. Kryeministri jepte shfaqje ekstreme vaniteti, kazinove t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, ku biznesmen\u00eb dhe grupe interesi paguanin haptas humbjet e tij n\u00eb rrethin magjeps\u00ebs t\u00eb rulet\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb nga p\u00ebrshkrimet m\u00eb shteruese t\u00eb Fatos Nanos e ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb Edi Rama n\u00eb librin Kurban. Ja sesi thot\u00eb ai:<\/p>\n
\u201cJe si nj\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb q\u00eb kur pushtetin e sheh si nj\u00eb lod\u00ebr n\u00eb dor\u00ebn e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, \u00e7mend dynjan\u00eb me kuj\u00ebn t\u00ebnde, derisa e merr lodr\u00ebn, por, me ta marr\u00eb, fillon ulesh p\u00ebrtok\u00eb dhe fillon e zb\u00ebrthen \u00e7ika \u00e7ika derisa s\u2019t\u00eb mbetet gj\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n
Fatos Nano \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb personazh kompleks n\u00eb historin\u00eb politike t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Ai e ka trajtuar pushtetin si nj\u00eb mjet d\u00ebfrimi, si nj\u00eb afrodiziak shpirt\u00ebror dhe material, si nj\u00eb lod\u00ebr ekzotike e lakmuar por edhe e rrezikshme. Ai u t\u00ebrhoq nga pushteti sapo ndjeu rrezikun prej tij. Fatos Nano arriti t\u00eb shk\u00ebputej nga pushteti pik\u00ebrisht sepse nuk e kishte par\u00eb at\u00eb kurr\u00eb si nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur q\u00ebllime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sesa si nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur mjete t\u00eb vogla. Sapo mjetet u arrit\u00ebn q\u00ebllimi humbi kuptimin.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
NGA ERMAL MULOSMANI Dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb hapur nj\u00eb debat p\u00ebr rolin e Fatos Nanos n\u00eb historin\u00eb politike t\u00eb vendit. Ky debat ka marr\u00eb shkak nga shtrimi urgjent i tij n\u00eb nj\u00eb prej spitaleve private t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs me nj\u00eb s\u00ebmundje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb. Fatos Nano \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebri prej emrave m\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb pluralizmit politik […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2037,"featured_media":330499,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,364,5380,231,1454,235],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-330498","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-koment-opinion","9":"category-kryesore","10":"category-lajme","11":"category-politike","12":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/330498","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2037"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=330498"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/330498\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":330500,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/330498\/revisions\/330500"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/330499"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=330498"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=330498"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=330498"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}