Nga:Andi Bushati<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, brezi im, ai i 20-30 vje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb viteve \u201990 u rrit me iluzionin e nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb re, ku kthimi regjimeve diktatoriale ngjante i pamundur. N\u00eb Lindje ishte shembur muri i Berlinit dhe po vazhdonte shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e \u201cPerandoris\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes\u201d. N\u00eb Per\u00ebndim mbizot\u00ebronte teoria e fundit t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb Fukujam\u00ebs, e cila predikonte triumfin e liberalizmit dhe t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri njer\u00ebzit u kapluan nga ethet p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar t\u00eb lir\u00eb. Ata vrapuan pas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nga dora e magjishme dhe e padukshme e tregut. Dikush ngrinte nj\u00eb kiosk\u00eb, nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr e kthente dhom\u00ebn e katit p\u00ebrdhes n\u00eb dyqan, nd\u00ebrsa, nj\u00eb i tret\u00eb, m\u00eb i guximsh\u00ebm, merrte vrapin deri n\u00eb Turqi, p\u00ebr t\u00eb importuar prej andej \u00e7okollata Hilal apo \u00e7am\u00e7ak\u00ebza, q\u00eb nuk ishte m\u00eb nevoja t’i ruaje n\u00eb nj\u00eb got\u00eb me uj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen.<\/p>\n
Ata q\u00eb nuk kishin dhunti p\u00ebr biznes angazhoheshin n\u00eb sindikata, shoqata apo parti politike q\u00eb krijoheshin me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm frenetik. Kudo n\u00ebp\u00ebr trotuare tregtoheshin fletushka apo gazeta q\u00eb nuk i vinin m\u00eb fre fjal\u00ebs, q\u00eb nga \u201cErosi\u201d i nj\u00eb ish-kamarieri t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb Larry Flint lokal, e deri te “Koha Jon\u00eb” e cila u kthye n\u00eb nj\u00eb monument t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtis\u00eb deri n\u00eb pap\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebri.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb gjith\u00eb i besonin triumfit t\u00eb pandalsh\u00ebm t\u00eb liris\u00eb deri n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb sa edhe tentativat e Sali Berish\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb model vertikal dhe autokratik hasnin nj\u00eb rezistenc\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb. SHIK-u i Gazidedes dhe policia e Agim Shehut, ndon\u00ebse donin t\u00eb instalonin frik\u00ebn, sfidoheshin hapur. Pak muaj pas p\u00ebrmbysjes reale t\u00eb komunizmit, n\u00eb 22 mars, PS, pavar\u00ebsisht se me barr\u00ebn e trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs mbi supe, mori mandatin p\u00ebr ta korigjuar me vot\u00eb, n\u00eb zgjedhjet lokale, pushtetin e ri. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e figurave themeluese t\u00eb PD, u shk\u00ebput\u00ebn prej saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb forc\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb djatht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb liberale. Arrestimi i liderit t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, Fatos Nano, u shoq\u00ebrua nga nj\u00eb protest\u00eb e fuqishme dhe e pandalshme n\u00eb rrug\u00ebt e Tiran\u00ebs. Berisha u mund n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb plebishitare n\u00eb referendumin p\u00ebr kushtetut\u00ebn e re. Opozita ishte e gatshme t\u00eb gjakosej n\u00eb sheshe p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur vot\u00ebn e vjedhur t\u00eb majit \u201996.<\/p>\n
Revolta popullore e \u201997 e vrau n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme \u00e7do orvatje p\u00ebr t\u00eb kthyer or\u00ebn e historis\u00eb pas dhe u duk se i dha goditjen e fundit cilitdo q\u00eb do t\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrronte p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb pakufish\u00ebm personal. Bestytnia se demokracia ishte e patjetersueshme u b\u00eb m\u00eb e fort\u00eb se kurr\u00eb. <\/p>\n
Por, tre dekada m\u00eb pas, brezi ndryshimit t\u00eb madh \u00ebsht\u00eb sot ai i 50-60 vje\u00e7ar\u00ebve me iluzione t\u00eb humbura. Magjis\u00eb t\u00eb dor\u00ebs s\u00eb padukshme t\u00eb tregut tanim\u00eb ia ka z\u00ebn\u00eb vendin p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrimi i pasuris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb pak duar oligark\u00ebsh. Liria e fjal\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb vrar\u00eb nga televizionet e m\u00ebdhenj q\u00eb e kan\u00eb kanalizuar mbi 90% t\u00eb audienc\u00ebs n\u00eb interesat personale t\u00eb 5 familjeve. Askush nuk mobilizohet m\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb protestoj\u00eb p\u00ebr vjedhjen e vot\u00ebs. Njer\u00ebzit i presin me indiferenc\u00eb arrestimet e opozitar\u00ebve kund\u00ebr regjimit. Gjyqtar\u00ebt e plepave jan\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar nga \u201cheronjt\u00eb e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve tan\u00eb\u201d, q\u00eb ndryshe nga t\u00eb par\u00ebt nuk arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb as minimumin e dinjitetit t\u00eb diskutuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb Zef Brozit. Shqip\u00ebria ka rr\u00ebshkitur me shpejt\u00ebsi drejt nj\u00eb vendi me parti-shtet, prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebs dirigjohen biznesi, mediat, drejt\u00ebsia, shoq\u00ebria civile, pushteti lokal, universitetet madje dhe federatat sportive. Dhe e gjith\u00eb kjo po ndodh n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjumjen e r\u00ebnd\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Pyetja q\u00eb shtrohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se si mb\u00ebrrit\u00ebm deri k\u00ebtu? Se si e pranuam ngadal\u00eb dhe heshtur humbjen nj\u00ebra pas tjetr\u00ebs t\u00eb vlerave t\u00eb arritura? Se si vazhduam t\u00eb p\u00ebrkundim \u00ebndrr\u00ebn se at\u00eb q\u00eb e pat\u00ebm fituar nuk na e rr\u00ebmbenin dot m\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ajo vidhej p\u00ebr dit\u00eb nga pak n\u00ebn hund\u00ebn ton\u00eb?<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb shpjegim i thjesht\u00ebzuar i k\u00ebtij rikthimin n\u00eb moniz\u00ebm mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej duke e justifikuar at\u00eb me katapultimin k\u00ebtej n\u00eb an\u00ebt tona t\u00eb nj\u00eb gjeniu t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes si Edi Rama. As popuj me tradit\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lasht\u00eb demokratike se jona, si gjerman\u00ebt, italian\u00ebt apo spanjoll\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb dot t\u00eb aft\u00eb t’u rrezistojn\u00eb diktaturave t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb XX q\u00eb iu ran\u00eb mbi kok\u00eb. Pra edhe ne nuk kemi \u00e7\u2019 t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, mund t\u00eb qe justifikimi. <\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr arsyetim, s\u00ebrish disi alibik, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai se ndryshe nga tentativa e Berish\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb, regjimi i Ram\u00ebs nuk ka n\u00eb thelb dhun\u00ebn, por paran\u00eb. Ai nuk t\u00eb agreson, por t\u00eb korrupton. Ai nuk ta burgos mikun q\u00eb ke n\u00eb krah, por ta rekruton p\u00ebr t\u00eb ta kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb. Ai nuk p\u00ebrplaset me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar zhurm\u00ebmadh q\u00eb ngre z\u00ebrin p\u00ebr gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb s\u2019shkojn\u00eb , por mundohet t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb tek ai veset McGonigalit t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm. Pra, n\u00eb thelb, ai nuk t\u00eb godet, por t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7an, nuk t\u00eb vret por t\u00eb atomizon, deri n\u00eb asgjesimin e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngritur kauza t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta. Ky lloj i ri sundimi, ndryshe nga tentativa autoritariste e e viteve \u201892-\u201997, \u00ebsht\u00eb i pangjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb klasikun, q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt njoh\u00ebn gjat\u00eb gjys\u00ebm shekulli komuniz\u00ebm. Ndaj, p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, ndoshta e kemi m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta perceptuar dhe jemi me antikorpe me t\u00eb pam\u00ebsuara p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrballuar.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr hipotez\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe ajo e zbehjes s\u00eb interesit t\u00eb vendeve perendimore p\u00ebr vlerat demokratike. T\u00eb bindur tashm\u00eb se ato nuk jan\u00eb nj\u00eb mall i eksportuesh\u00ebm leht\u00eb, si SHBA, si BE ndoshta kan\u00eb vendosur t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb bast te lider\u00ebt e fort\u00eb q\u00eb garantojn\u00eb stabilitet, pavar\u00ebsisht nga mjetet me t\u00eb cilat e arrijn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt, pas fillim viteve 2000 interesimi i diplomat\u00ebve t\u00eb vendeve aleate p\u00ebr zhb\u00ebrjen e atyre vlerave q\u00eb prezumoheshin t\u00eb mbronin ka qen\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i zbeht\u00eb. <\/p>\n
Por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto argumenta, si ve\u00e7 e ve\u00e7, apo qoft\u00eb dhe t\u00eb gjitha s\u00eb toku, i ngjajn\u00eb justifikimeve t\u00eb dikujt q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon fajtor\u00eb, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb i kan\u00eb vjedhur para syve. Edhe brezit tim, madje t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve ne, na kan\u00eb rr\u00ebmbyer at\u00eb q\u00eb kujtonim se e kishin fituar p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb, shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb liberale. Neve po na servirin n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb re, t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin moniz\u00ebm t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr. Prandaj kjo pla\u00e7kitje, ky fund i hidhur iluzioni, nuk vlen t\u00eb shpjegohet as me incidente t\u00eb rast\u00ebsishme, as me fenomene t\u00eb p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebshme, sado i fort\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb ndikimi i tyre. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00eb po p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia kryesore q\u00ebndron mbi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne q\u00eb jetuan me iluzionin se demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dhurat\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ta marrin dot m\u00eb mbrapsht. E duke nxituar p\u00ebrpara me syt\u00eb mbyllur haruam dal\u00ebngadal\u00eb se kjo shoq\u00ebri nuk kishte pasur kurr\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ngrinte nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb fort\u00eb imunitar ndaj t\u00eb keqes. Gjith\u00eb, gjith\u00eb, shteti shqiptar ka jetuar pak vite pa diktatur\u00eb, n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb shkuar dhe dy dekada kaosi tranzicioni mes viteve \u201897-2017. Nj\u00eb pik\u00eb uji n\u00eb oqean, kur mendon nat\u00ebn e err\u00ebt t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb liris\u00eb. <\/p>\n
Po a mund t\u00eb merrnim t\u00eb mirqen\u00eb demokracin\u00eb dhe shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb liberale kur ende i kishim t\u00eb pazhvilluara antikorpet p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e tyre? <\/p>\n
Fakti q\u00eb se shtruam m\u00eb dendur dhe m\u00eb me forc\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dilem\u00eb na b\u00ebn sot p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs. Fakti q\u00eb nuk e ndez\u00ebm sinjalin e alarmit kur partit\u00eb tona filluan t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrroheshin n\u00eb lodra personale, apo familjare, kur roli i pushteteve t\u00eb tjera po zbehej deri n\u00eb asgjesim, kur ndryshuam thelbin e kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb \u201898, q\u00eb ishte konceptuar si diga ndaj p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb pushteteve, p\u00ebr ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar me ndryshimet e 2008-\u00ebs, na b\u00ebn patjet\u00ebr fajtor\u00eb. Besimi i verb\u00ebr se e keqja nuk ndodh, pasi ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur \u00ebsht\u00eb e pakthyeshme na yshti ti krijojm\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kushtet, q\u00eb kur dikush t\u00eb shfaqej p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpallur se e donte \u201ci vet\u00ebm tepsin\u00eb\u201d, ne ti\u2019a kishim b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb rrug\u00ebn gati. IIuzioni se kjo s\u2019mund t\u00eb ndodhte na b\u00ebri t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfillim se jetonim n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend pa pik\u00eb tradite demokratike dhe krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pa koracuar me arm\u00ebt p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur at\u00eb. Fakti se \u00e7\u2019b\u00ebri m\u00eb pas Rama, se si u soll\u00ebn ndaj tij kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt, apo se si ndryshoi arena gjeopolitike, jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfillshme sesa ky injorim i munges\u00ebs s\u00eb tradit\u00ebs. Ky ishte dhe gabimi i madh i k\u00ebtij brezi q\u00eb mburret ende se fitoi revolucionin, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb tre dekada hodhi \u00e7do hap t\u00eb gabuar p\u00ebr ta humbur at\u00eb. Me \u00e7mimin e lart\u00eb t\u00eb vrasjes s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. \/Lapsi.al<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Nga:Andi Bushati P\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, brezi im, ai i 20-30 vje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb viteve \u201990 u rrit me iluzionin e nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb re, ku kthimi regjimeve diktatoriale ngjante i pamundur. N\u00eb Lindje ishte shembur muri i Berlinit dhe po vazhdonte shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e \u201cPerandoris\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes\u201d. N\u00eb Per\u00ebndim mbizot\u00ebronte teoria e fundit t\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2037,"featured_media":321809,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,364,5380,231,1454,235],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-398646","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-koment-opinion","9":"category-kryesore","10":"category-lajme","11":"category-politike","12":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/398646","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2037"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=398646"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/398646\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":398647,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/398646\/revisions\/398647"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/321809"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=398646"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=398646"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=398646"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}