Nga Baton Haxhiu<\/p>\n\n\n\n
26 maji do t\u00eb mbetet si nj\u00eb nga ato data q\u00eb politika shqiptare do ta shes\u00eb si triumf historik, nd\u00ebrsa diplomacia evropiane po mundohet me kujdes t\u2019ia shpjegoj\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs se b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr di\u00e7ka krejt tjet\u00ebr. Jo p\u00ebr fundin e nj\u00eb rruge, por p\u00ebr hyrjen n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dy deklaratat m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme pas Konferenc\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrqeveritare BE\u2013Shqip\u00ebri nuk erdh\u00ebn nga vendet q\u00eb zakonisht p\u00ebrdorin gjuh\u00eb entuziaste p\u00ebr zgjerimin, si Italia apo Franca, t\u00eb cilat vazhdojn\u00eb ta mb\u00ebshtesin fort procesin shqiptar p\u00ebr arsye strategjike dhe gjeopolitike. Ato erdh\u00ebn nga Gjermania dhe Holanda, dy shtete q\u00eb tradicionalisht lexojn\u00eb zgjerimin p\u00ebrmes filtrit t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit dhe funksionimit real t\u00eb institucioneve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dhe gjuha e tyre ishte e ftoht\u00eb, e kusht\u00ebzuar dhe pothuaj kirurgjikale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Burime diplomatike evropiane pran\u00eb diskutimeve t\u00eb 26 majit i than\u00eb Albanian Post se formulimet e p\u00ebrdorura nga Berlini dhe Haga nuk duhen lexuar si \u201cp\u00ebrg\u00ebzime\u201d, por si sinjali i par\u00eb i faz\u00ebs s\u00eb re t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrjes politike dhe juridike ndaj Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb t\u00eb dy deklaratat p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet i nj\u00ebjti mesazh: Shqip\u00ebria ka kaluar \u201cinterim benchmarks\u201d p\u00ebr Cluster 1 \u201cFundamentals\u201d, por kjo nuk konsiderohet fitore finale. P\u00ebrkundrazi. Kjo shihet si \u201cstarting point\u201d, pik\u00ebnisja e nj\u00eb faze ku tani BE do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb \u201cimplementation in practice\u201d, pra zbatim real n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, \u201csolid track records\u201d, gjurm\u00eb t\u00eb provueshme rezultatesh, dhe \u201clasting results\u201d, rezultate t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. N\u00eb diplomacin\u00eb evropiane k\u00ebto formula nuk jan\u00eb dekor gjuh\u00ebsor. Jan\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrime procedurale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Deklarata holandeze ishte ndoshta m\u00eb juridikja dhe m\u00eb e qarta. Ambasadori Reinout Vos e p\u00ebrshkroi miratimin e IBAR-it jo si medalje politike p\u00ebr Tiran\u00ebn, por si \u201cclear expectation\u201d, pritshm\u00ebri t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr vazhdimin e reformave, forcimin e institucioneve dhe zbatimin konsistent t\u00eb tyre. M\u00eb pas vjen fjalia q\u00eb n\u00eb qarqet diplomatike evropiane lexohet si thelbi i dokumentit: respekti p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e gjyq\u00ebsorit dhe lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsionit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb rastet e niveleve t\u00eb larta, jan\u00eb \u201cnon-negotiable prerequisites\u201d, kushte t\u00eb panegociueshme p\u00ebr avancimin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb praktik\u00eb kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u00e7\u00ebshtje si SPAK, hetimet ndaj zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb lart\u00eb, sjellja e parlamentit ndaj k\u00ebrkesave p\u00ebr imunitet apo raporti i pushtetit me gjyq\u00ebsorin nuk konsiderohen m\u00eb tema t\u00eb brendshme politike shqiptare. Ato jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb formale e dosjes negociuese evropiane.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gjermania p\u00ebrdori pothuaj t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin mesazh, por me nj\u00eb ton m\u00eb politik dhe m\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs. N\u00eb deklarimin gjerman p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet ideja e \u201cresolute implementation in practice\u201d, zbatim i vendosur n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, dhe paralajm\u00ebrimi se Berlini do t\u00eb \u201cfollow developments very closely\u201d, do t\u2019i ndjek\u00eb zhvillimet shum\u00eb nga af\u00ebr. N\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn diplomatike gjermane kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa formul\u00eb rutin\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Burime diplomatike pran\u00eb vendeve an\u00ebtare i than\u00eb Albanian Post se Berlini dhe Haga po tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb shmangin at\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb BE konsiderohet \u201cfenomeni i Ballkanit\u201d, ku progresi matet me miratim ligjesh, nd\u00ebrsa institucionet vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb sipas kultur\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr politike. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, n\u00eb dokumentet evropiane t\u00eb 26 majit, termat ky\u00e7 nuk jan\u00eb \u201cnegotiations\u201d, negociata, por \u201crule of law\u201d, sundimi i ligjit, \u201cjudicial independence\u201d, pavar\u00ebsia e gjyq\u00ebsorit, \u201chigh-level corruption\u201d, korrupsioni n\u00eb nivele t\u00eb larta, dhe \u201clifting of immunity according to Venice Commission standards\u201d, vendimmarrja p\u00ebr heqjen e imunitetit sipas standardeve t\u00eb Komisionit t\u00eb Venecias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb thelb, Evropa po i thot\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs di\u00e7ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb: faza romantike e integrimit ka mbaruar. Tani fillon testi i shtetit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dhe ky test nuk do t\u00eb matet me konferenca, retorik\u00eb apo patriotiz\u00ebm evropian n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Do t\u00eb matet me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si pushteti sillet me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, si funksionon Parlamenti, si trajtohen institucionet kushtetuese dhe n\u00ebse korrupsioni n\u00eb nivele t\u00eb larta prek realisht elit\u00ebn politike dhe ekonomike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nj\u00eb detaj me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00eb t\u00eb dy deklaratat \u00ebsht\u00eb referenca ndaj \u201cCommon Position\u201d, pozicionit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, dokumentit formal mbi t\u00eb cilin nd\u00ebrtohet faza e re negociuese. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dokument, t\u00eb siguruar nga Albanian Post, BE e thot\u00eb qart\u00eb se Shqip\u00ebria mund t\u00eb nis\u00eb mbylljen e kapitujve vet\u00ebm pasi t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb \u201cclosing benchmarks\u201d, benchmark-et e mbylljes, dhe vet\u00ebm pasi vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb bien dakord se rezultatet jan\u00eb reale dhe t\u00eb verifikueshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pra, 26 maji nuk ishte mbyllje negociatash. Ishte hyrje n\u00eb provimin m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb qarqet evropiane ekziston bindja se Shqip\u00ebria ka b\u00ebr\u00eb progres t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm procedural dhe teknik. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye Franca dhe Italia mb\u00ebshtesin fuqish\u00ebm avancimin e negociatave, duke e par\u00eb integrimin shqiptar edhe si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb stabilitetit strategjik t\u00eb rajonit dhe t\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebs s\u00eb re evropiane t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Por Gjermania dhe Holanda po kujdesen q\u00eb ky progres procedural t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrkthehet automatikisht n\u00eb leht\u00ebsim politik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse gjuha e tyre ting\u00ebllon pothuaj si kontrat\u00eb juridike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb Bruksel askush nuk po i thot\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb \u201cndal\u201d, por po i thon\u00eb di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr, se nga sot, \u00e7do kriz\u00eb politike, \u00e7do sulm ndaj drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, \u00e7do tension mbi SPAK-un, \u00e7do votim parlamentar p\u00ebr imunitetin, \u00e7do raport zgjedhor dhe \u00e7do sjellje e pushtetit ndaj institucioneve do t\u00eb lexohet si pjes\u00eb e dosjes evropiane t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse 26 maji ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi historike, sepse Shqip\u00ebria fitoi Evrop\u00ebn, por edhe p\u00ebr faktin se Evropa vendosi t\u2019i k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb provoj\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb gati p\u00ebr t\u00eb.<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Nga Baton Haxhiu 26 maji do t\u00eb mbetet si nj\u00eb nga ato data q\u00eb politika shqiptare do ta shes\u00eb si triumf historik, nd\u00ebrsa diplomacia evropiane po mundohet me kujdes t\u2019ia shpjegoj\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs se b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr di\u00e7ka krejt tjet\u00ebr. Jo p\u00ebr fundin e nj\u00eb rruge, por p\u00ebr hyrjen n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb saj. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2013,"featured_media":428935,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[241,364,5380,231,1454,235],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-428934","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-aktualitet","8":"category-koment-opinion","9":"category-kryesore","10":"category-lajme","11":"category-politike","12":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/428934","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2013"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=428934"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/428934\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":428936,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/428934\/revisions\/428936"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/428935"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=428934"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=428934"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zjarr.tv\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=428934"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}